The Case of the Oromo people in Ethiopia
By Begna F. Dugassa, PhD | July 15, 2013
Introduction
In human history it is well known that among the many people who have
lived in highly stressful social conditions, most of them are likely to
die prematurely, live in poverty, and experience other social
adversities in their lives (Lang & Dickason, 1996). A few of them
successfully overcome these adversities and are able to lead competent
lives. Those who overcame these difficulties are considered resilient.
However, it has not been clearly understood how these individuals and
communities overcame the stress and adversities while the others did
not. To understand how some communities overcome stress and violence and
lead successful lives, it is important to inquire into the conditions
in which the community members lived and identify the circumstances that
are common to them and take a close look at how these groups rebuild
healthy community following adversity. In addition, one needs to look at
the social conditions that are essential for resiliency and if such
conditions can be replicated in other places and look for the building
blocks of community resiliency.
This paper has emerged from the presentation I made in 2004 in the
conference of the Canadian Association for Studies in International
Development (CASID). In this paper, using primary and secondary data, I
take a close look to understand what those who overcome stress and
trauma have in common, and identify the necessary social conditions for
resilience. In doing so, I make an effort to fi gure out whether or not
the Oromo people’s healing and resiliency could be cultivated.
It is well known that lived circumstances are a factor in predicting
achievements. Researchers in public health identifi ed the social
determinants of health (Raphael, 2004; Farmer, 2003) and the conditions
that help protect people who might be at risk of developing health
problems. Our knowledge in this area suggests that negative life
experiences or living conditions are linked to poor health. In the past,
scientists had closely looked into the biological conditions that make
the difference between healthy survivors and those who succumb to
diseases. They discovered antibodies for a number of disorders (Bock
& Sabin, 1997), and were able to develop vaccinations against deadly
infectious diseases. From the time of Virchows work in 1848 in Upper
Silesia, a region predominantly Polish but ruled by Germany, the
pathogencity of colonial power relations and unhealthy social relations
has been well known (Taylor & Rieger, 1985). However, there is still
a lack of understanding regarding community healing and resiliency
processes. Recognizing the importance of individual and community
resiliency or healing processes is recently apturing the imagination of
researchers and policy makers.
The vulnerability of a community to a given risk is a function of its
sensitivity to a potential threat and its adaptive capacities (Farmer,
1999). For example, it is well known that community social order is
central to community resiliency. If there was no social order, an
individual’s selfish desire would run wild and such societies would lead
disrupted life conditions. To prevent this, society has to be empowered
in order to establish order in the community. However, under colonial
rule where justice is denied, poverty follows, and when the State is
organized to oppress, conspire, rob and degrade, the community cannot
maintain any social order and heal itself.
The study of community resiliency and healing begins with the
’diagnosis’ of clear accomplishments or resiliency despite adversity and
violence faced by a community. This paper examines resiliency
conditions in Oromia, touching on the social and economic problems that
the Oromo people face. Oromia is environmentally prosperous, however,
war, wide spread human right violations (Human Rights Watch, 2006),
famine, HIV/AIDS, malaria epidemics and Iodine Deficiency Disorders
(Dugassa, 2005, 2006) have ravaged it. Part one of this paper introduces
the concept of community resiliency or the healing process, collective
violence and collective rights. Under this, I explore the necessary
conditions that are vital for individuals and the community to overcome
adversity and develop better community health conditions. Part two of
this paper examines the role played by individuals and community
resiliency in community health development. Part three of this paper
takes a close look at the presence or absence of resiliency conditions
in Oromia. Capturing the experience and the realities with which the
Oromo people have lived for over a century, this paper reveals the
social and the economic problems and their root causes. Part four covers
how and why resiliency conditions have been hampered in Oromia. Here I
examine the relationship between the long-term effects of collective
violence against the Oromo people and community resiliency. In part five,
I discuss the ways that resiliency or healing conditions can be
cultivated. The Oromo people are the single largest ethno-national group
in the Horn of Africa. In studying the situation of Oromo people, this
paper brings of light another dimension for the socio-economic and
health problems such as famine, war and instability in the Horn of
Africa.
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