BBC condemns Ethiopian broadcast jamming

This is a deliberate act of vandalism...Liliane Landor, acting Director, BBC World Service Group

Category: World Service

Liliane Landor, acting Director of the BBC World Service Group, has called on the Ethiopian authorities to stop jamming BBC broadcasts in the Middle East and North Africa.

She joined directors from Deutsche Welle, France 24, and the US Broadcasting Board of Directors which oversees the Voice of America, in condemning the flagrant violation of the clearly established international procedures on operating satellite equipment.
Liliane Landor said: “The BBC calls upon the Ethiopian authorities to end this interference. They are disrupting international news broadcasts for no apparent reason. This is a deliberate act of vandalism that tarnishes their reputation.”
During the past week, BBC television and radio broadcasts on the Arabsat satellites have been affected by intentional uplink interference. Many international television broadcasts, including those from France 24 and Deutsche Welle, have been badly affected.
The satellite operator Arabsat has reported that the interference has come from within Ethiopia. The interference is intensive and affects services on all three Arabsat satellites. Unlike previous instances of intentional interference, these events do not appear to be linked to any particular content or channel on these satellites.
The interference is contrary to the international regulations that govern the use of radio frequency transmissions and the operation of satellite systems, and inhibits the ability of individuals to freely access media according to Article 19 of the UN Declaration of Human Rights.

source :  http://www.bbc.co.uk/corporate2/mediacentre/latestnews/2014/ethiopian-broadcast-jamming

When Enough is Enough, Rise up People of Ethiopia

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By Graham Peebles
 Countercurrents.org

London : There are tentative signs that the people of Ethiopia are beginning to organise themselves and stand up against the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) government, a brutal dictatorship, albeit one dressed in democratic western garb.

After 23 years of suppression at the hands of the EPRDF, simmering discontent and anger appears to finally be spilling over onto the streets. Robbed of hope, the people have had enough, enough of the wide-ranging human rights abuses. The denial of constitutional rights, the arbitrary imprisonments and torture, regime violence, the displacement of people from ancestral land, the partisan distribution of aid, and the rising cost of living.

The right to peaceful protest

Like many democratic principles, the right to protest is enshrined in Ethiopia’s constitution. Written in 1991 by the EPRDF, the legally binding document of liberal correctness is routinely ignored by the regime, whose response to public protests has been consistently violent.

Last year Addis Ababa witnessed the first mass demonstrations since 2005, when “security forces killed dozens of protesters [some estimate that up to 200 people were murdered by government forces] and arbitrarily detained thousands of people across the country.” [ Human Rights Watch (HRW)] Unsurprisingly since then the streets have been quiet. Until 2013 that is, when in June thousands found the courage to march through the capital demanding the release of political prisoners, “respect for the constitution” and “Justice! Justice! Justice!” [ Reuters ] And again in November, when enraged demonstrators gathered outside the Saudi Arabian Embassy in Addis Ababa and cities across the world to protest the appalling abuse meted out to Ethiopian migrants in the Gulf State. Many hoped this united response was the beginning of a coordinated movement of collective action, a long overdue movement for change.

Ethiopia is young, 65% of the population are under 25, the median age is a mere 17, and like protest movements elsewhere — Egypt, Brazil, Turkey e.g., it is the young who are leading the way. They see clearly the injustices, the violations of fundamental freedoms and the duplicity of a government that presents a democratic face to its international allies and benefactors whilst brutalising its own people.

Since 25 th April, students have demonstrated throughout the Oromia Regional State, protesting against the government’s sinister sounding ‘Integrated Development Master Plan’. The Oromo people constitute Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group — around 27 million people — almost a third of the population. They have been marginalised and discriminated against since the 19 th century when Empress Taytu Betul (wife of Menelikk II) chose the site of Addis Ababa for the capital. As the city grew Oromos were evicted from their land and forced onto the margins — socially, economically and politically: “time and again, Oromo farmers were removed from their land under the guise of development without adequate compensation.”[ Geeska Africa ]. Like tyrants everywhere, the paranoid EPRDF is hostile to all forms of dissent no matter the source; however they react with greater levels of brutality to dissenting voices in Oromia than perhaps anywhere else in the country, and “scores of Oromos are regularly arrested based on their actual or suspected opposition to the government.” [
href="http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AFR25/002/2014/en/116b7cd2-e39f-49b6-a276-f324b07d95d4/afr250022014en.html">Amnesty International (AI)]

The proposed ‘master plan’ would substantially expand the boundaries of Addis Ababa into areas of Oromia surrounding the capital. “ Protestors claim they merely wanted to raise questions about the plan — but were answered with violence and intimidation.” [ BBC ] They rightly feel smallholder farmers and other groups living on government land (all land in Ethiopia is government owned) would once again be threatened, leading to large scale evictions to make way for land leasing or land sales, as has happened elsewhere in the country. In addition many Oromos see the proposed expansion as a broader threat to their regional and cultural identity and say the scheme is “in violation of the Constitutionally-guaranteed protection of the ‘special interests’ of the Oromia state.” [ AI ] Constitutional guarantees that mean nothing to the members of the ruling party, or a politically controlled judiciary.

Killing, beating, intimidating

University campuses have formed the beating heart of the protest movement that has now spread throughout the region. On Tuesday 29 th April around 25,000 people, “including residents of Ambo town in central Oromia, participated in a city wide demonstration, in the largest show of opposition to the government’s plans to date.” [ Revolution News ] Somewhat predictably, security forces, consisting of the federal police and military Special Forces known as the ‘Agazi’, have “responded by shooting at and beating peaceful protesters in Ambo, Nekemte, Jimma, and other towns with unconfirmed reports from witnesses of dozens of casualties.” [ Human Rights Watch (HRW)] A witness told Amnesty International that on the third day of protest in Guder town, near Ambo, the security forces were waiting for the protesters and opened fire when they arrived . “She said five people were killed in front of her. A source in Robe town, the location of Madawalabu University, reported that 11 bodies had been seen in a hospital in the town. Another witness said they had seen five bodies in Ambo [80 miles west of Addis Ababa] hospital.”

Whilst the government says that “at least nine students have died” during the protests, “a witness told the BBC that 47 were killed by the security forces” — a misleading term for government thugs, who are killing, beating and intimidating innocent civilians: Amnesty reports that children as young as 11 years of age were among the dead. In addition to killing peaceful protesters, large numbers have been beaten up during and after protests, resulting in scores of injuries, and hundreds or “several thousands”, according to the main Oromia opposition party, the Oromo Federalist Congress (AFC), have been arbitrarily arrested and are being detained incommunicado. Given the regime’s history those imprisoned face a very real risk of torture.

In many cases the arrests took place after the protesters had dispersed. “Security forces have conducted house to house searches in many locations in the region, [looking] for students and others who may have been involved. New arrests continue to be reported,” [AI ] and squads of government thugs are reportedly beating local residents in a crude attempt at intimidation. Amnesty reports the case of a father whose son was shot dead during a protest, being ‘severely beaten’ by security forces, who told the bereaved parent “he should have taught his son some discipline.”

The Oromia community has often been the target of government aggression, and recent events are reminiscent of January 2004, when several Oromia students at Addis Ababa University were shot and killed when protesting for the right to stage an Oromo cultural event on campus. Many more were wounded and 494 [ Oromo Support Group (OSG)] were arrested and detained without charge or trial. HRW reported how “police ordered both male and female students to run and crawl barefoot, bare-kneed, and bare-armed over sharp gravel for three-and-half hours; they were also forced to carry each other over the gravel.” The Police, HRW goes on to say, “have repeatedly employed similar methods of torture and yet are rarely held accountable for their excesses.”

The recent level of extreme violence displayed by the State is not unusual and takes place throughout Ethiopia; what is new is the response of the people. Anger at the security forces criminality has fuelled further demonstrations in Oromo as friends and family of those murdered have added their voices to the growing protest movement. This righteous stand against government brutality and injustice is heartening for the country and should be supported with condemnation and pressure from international donors and the UN more broadly. Those arrested during protests must be immediately released and investigations into killings by security personnel instigated as a matter of utmost urgency.

Tools of control

The government’s heavy-handed reaction to the Oromo protests is but the latest example of the regime’s ruthless response to criticism of its policies. Political opposition parties, when tolerated at all have been totally marginalised, dissenting independent voices are quickly silenced and a general atmosphere of fear is all pervading. Despite freedom of expression being a constitutional right virtually all media outlets are either government owned or controlled; “ blogs and Internet pages critical of the Ethiopian government are regularly blocked and independent radio stations, particularly those broadcasting in Amharic and Afan Oromo, are routinely jammed.” [ HRW ] The EPRDF has created “one of the most repressive media environments in the world.” Reinforcing this condition, “the government on April 25th and 26th arbitrarily arrested nine bloggers and journalists in Addis Ababa. They remain in detention without charge.” [ Ibid] International human rights groups (whose activities have been severely restricted by the stifling Charities and Societies Proclamation of 2009) as well as foreign journalists are not welcome, and reporters “who have attempted to reach the current demonstrations have been turned away or detained,” [Ibid] making it difficult to confirm exact numbers of those killed by government security personnel.

The UN Human Rights Council recently reviewed Ethiopia’s human rights record under the Universal Periodic Review (UPR). Since the first review in 2009 the human rights condition has greatly deteriorated. The EPRDF rules the country through fear and intimidation, they have introduced ambiguous, universally condemned legislation to control and intimidate: the Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSO law) and the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation specifically. Laws of repression that together have made independent media and civil society completely ineffective. Freedom of assembly – another constitutional right – is not allowed, or as can be seen with the Oromo protests is dealt with in the harshest manner possible; the Internet and telecommunications are controlled and monitored by the government and phone records/recordings are easily obtained by security personnel. Arbitrary arrests and false Imprisonment of anyone criticizing the government is routine as is the use of torture on those incarcerated. In the Ogaden region the regime is committing gross human rights abuses constituting crimes against humanity and in Gambella and the Lower Omo Valley large numbers of indigenous people have been forcibly moved into government camps (Villagization Programme), as land is sold for pennies to international companies. In short, human rights are completely ignored by the Government in Ethiopia. As the people begin to come together and protest, international pressure should be applied on the regime to observe the rule of law and uphold the people’s fundamental human rights.

We are living in extraordinary times, times of opportunity and change, times of great hope. With elections due next year now is the time for the various ethnic groups and factions inside and outside Ethiopia to unite, and speaking with one voice demand their rights, to freedom and justice and to live with hope in their hearts.

Graham Peebles is Director of The Create Trust, www.thecreatetrust.org A UK registered charity (1115157). Running education and social development programmes, supporting fundamental Social change and the human rights of individuals in acute need. Contact , E: graham@thecreatetrust.org

Ethiopia's independent publishers may face another hurdle

Newspapers are significant in Ethiopia because there are no other independent media sources in the country. (Ethiopia Forums)

(CPJ)- In what appears to be one of a collection of measures to silence the press ahead of 2015 elections, Ethiopian authorities in the Communications Ministry are preparing a new system to control the distribution of print media. Privately owned newspapers and magazines, possibly the only remaining independent news sources in the country, would face more state control if the proposal is set into motion. 

Originally proposed in February, the new measures are still at a draft stage. They aim to ensure that private newspapers and magazines are distributed through one company with links to the ruling party, according to local journalists.

The proposal, entitled "A Draft Document for Making the Print Media Accessible," claims that supporters of the opposition are mainly in control of the current newsprint distribution system, according to the draft proposal in my possession.

Members of the media and some observers have sharply criticized the government's move to hand over circulation to a single company. The step comes after the anti-terrorist law of 2009, which criminalized reporting on opposition groups and has intimidated many journalists into self-censorship. Since 2011, 11 journalists have been given harsh prison terms under Ethiopia's anti-terrorism law, and five are currently serving sentences under this legislation.

While the reach of independent newspapers is negligible, with roughly 90,000 copies a week circulating in a population of 90 million, the papers are significant because there are no other independent media sources in Ethiopia. The state controls the only television station, and out of five privately-operated radio stations, three are wholly pro-government while the rest toe the state line.

"I am suspicious of this move," said freelance journalist Betre Yacob. "These enterprises are created by the government to push their own political agendas and interests.  I am sure this particular case will be similar--where the distribution company is used to ensure only positive government news is distributed." Betre is president of the independent Ethiopian Journalists Forum, a contributor to several Ethiopian news sites, and a former political columnist for the now-defunct local magazine Ebony.

Currently, publishers of newspapers and magazines either distribute directly to retailers across the country, or contract trusted private distributors to do so for them. Under the new proposal, a company with direct government links would take copies from the printers and control distribution. Local journalists fear that the new company would block distribution if the government deems a publication too critical.

According to the draft proposal, print media suffers from the lack of a legal framework governing the current distribution system. The proposal claims most distributors do not have designated areas in which to circulate or proper identification. It also suggests that giving the distribution work to a company with some information about the media will help the industry as well as create jobs for youth.

However, independent journalists argue that the biggest challenge for Ethiopia's media industry is not the print distribution system but government intervention and suppression of the flow of free information. "The government should take its hands off the media. Giving the distribution of newspapers and magazines to a politically motivated enterprise does not solve the problem," Betre said. "Instead it just adds fuel to a fire." 

Another bad sign for publishers is a study conducted this year by the pro-government Ethiopian Press Agency, a state-controlled news wire, analyzing the editorial content of certain magazines. Published in February, the study claimed that seven magazines were responsible for inciting violence and terrorist acts and upholding opposition viewpoints, according to local news reports.

Local journalists working for these publications fear that the study will be used as a pretext to censor them. "Magazines are some of the few independent publications left in circulation here," said one local journalist based in the capital, Addis Ababa, who did not wish to be identified for safety reasons. Betre concurs, saying, "The release of this research could indicate that the government is preparing to silence these magazines."

The prohibitive cost of printing in Ethiopia also serves as a barrier to media freedom. Because of a fear of censorship from the state printer, independent publications prefer to use private printers, even though they often lack the capacity to produce sufficient copies. At times, security agents infiltrate these private printing companies, local journalists said. "It is very challenging to find a printing house willing to publish independent publications," Betre said. "Sometimes agents warn printing houses not to print a particular publication and so they fear any association with the private press." 

These challenges, along with high taxation, are already having a detrimental effect on independent publications. While newspapers pay a reasonable publishing tax of two percent of their sales after printing each edition, annual taxes can sometimes equal a months' total sales revenue, if not more. After six years in circulation, the local Ebony magazine closed in April due to the high annual income tax and printing costs, according to a local news report. Authorities recently demanded business income tax of 143,000 birr (US$7,300) from the independent newspaper Ethio-Midhar, an amount equivalent to their annual gross revenue, the same report said.

Unlike overt political interference such as the recent jailing of nine journalists, which has drawn a local and international outcry, these economic measures have the potential to undermine an alternative Ethiopian narrative without drawing public attention. If adopted, the new distribution system would subtly but effectively silence any critical publication ahead of May 2015 elections.

The author is an Ethiopian journalist in exile. He chooses not to be identified for his security.

Detained Journalists and Bloggers in Ethiopia Must be Charged or Released, says IFJ

May 20, 2014

(reliefweb) – The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) has today severely criticised authorities in Ethiopia following the decision by a court to grant police nearly one more month to conduct investigations against the journalists and bloggers detained in the country last month.
Three journalists and six bloggers were arrested on 25 and 26 April by police using an arrest warrant from a public prosecutor in Addis Ababa, the country’s capital city. The police on May 17 said that while the investigations continue the three journalists and six bloggers will remain in prison.
“This is a clear human right violation,” said Gabriel Baglo, IFJ Africa Director. “These journalists and bloggers have not been charged yet and must be released immediately. The court is clearly hesitating because there are no strong charges against our colleagues”.
The IFJ criticism comes a few weeks after it wrote an open letter to U.S. Secretary of State, John Kerry, during his visit to the country to ask him to raise his concerns about the ordeal of the imprisoned journalists when he met with Ethiopian Prime Minister, Hailemariam Desalegn.
According to media reports, Kerry subsequently raised the arrests during meetings with the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Tedros Adhanom, on May 1. Following the meeting the IFJ welcomed Kerry’s action, but the Ethiopian court has now taken the decision to extend their detention.
The journalists who have been arrested are Tesfalem Weldeyest, who writes independent commentary on political issues for Ethiopia’s Addis Standard magazine and Addis Fortune newspaper, Asmamaw Hailegiorgis, senior editor at an influential Amharic weekly magazine Addis Guday, and Edom Kassaye, who previously worked at state daily Addis Zemen Newspaper and is an active member of the Ethiopian Environmental Journalists Association (EEJA).
The bloggers are reportedly members of the Zone 9 group, which is known to be very critical of government policy. They have a strong following on social media. They are: Atnaf Berahane, Befeqadu Hailu, Mahlet Fantahun, Natnael Feleke, Abel Wabela and Zelalem Kiberet. They are accused of using social media to create instability in the country and collaborating with international human rights organizations.
According to independent news reports, Ethiopian police said on Saturday, May 17, that the detainees were to be charged with the country’s anti-terrorism proclamation, No 652, published on 28 August 2009, which violates international standards on freedom of expression.
The IFJ believes that this proclamation directly threatens freedom of expression and human rights in the country which is Africa’s second worst jailer of journalists and media professionals.
Independent sources have reported that at least three of the detainees have complained of severe torture and long interrogations, while they have only seen their lawyers twice since their arrests.
“Holding detainees without charge for a prolonged period is a new trend that is becoming routine and systematic,” said Baglo. “It is another severe blow to human rights in Ethiopia and the international community must stand up and fight against it.”

Diverting attention of Oromo protest by National security of Ethiopia

By Jawar Mohamed
We have been hearing and communicating to all claims that TPLF is deliberately provoking communal violence among various segments of the society to divert attention from ‪#‎OromoProtests‬. In most cases rumors of alleged attacks or plans to attack on particular groups are circulated by the intelligence creating suspicion and insecurity that turned into deadly violence. Now the foreign minister of Ethiopia is spreading a highly inflammatory video. We now the guy who makes this video is sponsored by the state to fabricate stories meant to serve the regime. But its shocking that a person holding position of foreign minister has the audacity to publicly endorse such baseless propaganda. Note that Tewdros Adhanom also sits on National Security Council of the country that has been centrally commanding the massacre against Oromo students.
My message again to the Oromo public is to resist such dangerous provocation by such irresponsible, arrogant and ignorant individuals passing as leaders of a country. You have at most responsibility to respect the rights of all who live with you and do your best to ensure their safety against any and all danger. But defending yourself, your property and national interest against the state, its institutions and agencies by all means necessary is a fair game!
To Tewdros and the rest of the mafioso who are busy massacring our people and robbing their wealth, know that no matter how long, you will be defeated, humiliated, hunted down and brought to justice, like all tyrants

Addis Ababa's poorly planned decentralization and #OromoProtests

by Abel D. Ayele

The Oromo student protests in Ethiopia, which began last month in opposition to Addis Ababa’s controversial expansion, continued this week.

Tens of people have been killed while hundreds were wounded or jailed since the protests started in April. On May 14, locals said at least three people were killed and more than 100 wounded in Nekemte town, western Oromia where federal Special Forces have besieged the regional Wallaga University. Protests have spread to neighboring Najjo and other parts of Oromia on Thursday.

Why is the Ethiopian regime obsessed with Finfinne and its surroundings? Is to alleviate infrastructural and other societal challenges the city faces? Who is the real mastermind behind this entire project? Who are the key players in this game? Is the project environmentally and socially viable? Does the latest plan fulfill the legal and technical requirements of transboundary city master plans? Do the international experts or consultants behind the master plan comprehend the local political and socio-economic contexts? Why did the Addis Ababa city administration fail to focus on optimizing its land use based on sound research and fair distribution of wealth instead of resorting to a politically driven land grab? These are the questions that Oromo students and Oromo people are raising in and outside of the country.

Addis Ababa’s expansion

Over the last few decades, the Ethiopian capital have seen a very rapid lateral expansion, mainly characterized by randomly scattered legal and illegal housing developments and business dwellings. This unplanned, spontaneous expansion resulted in massive spatial changes especially in the past 50 years, according to Fantahun Tesfaye. Studies show that Addis Ababa's landmass tripled from 80 square kilometers in 1960s to 250 in 1985 and doubled to 540 square kilometers in 2010. The new plan will stretch the city's area to more than a million square kilometers. The swift spatial enlargement is compounded by rapid urbanization, complicating the city’s chronic inability to meet growing demands. Addis is urbanizing at a rate of 4.2 percent every year with 40 percent annual rural-urban migration, according to a study by the UN-Habitat.

The city's most acute problems are its inefficient utilization of land and rapid growth of population as opposed to the shortage of land that the authorities often claim. Addis Ababa's sprawl is characterized by inefficient use of land with a replica of detached single-story family houses surrounded by a compound. This typology raises environmental concerns "unless the trend is intercepted and backed up by proper land use planning and densification schemes that promote vertical extensions," according to Fantahun.

In addition, several studies indicate the need for comprehensive long-term planning and densification schemes and taking control of fast paced urbanization. Failure to implement efficient, equitable and strategic land use and public infrastructure plans led to the continuous invasion of green fields at the expense of prime farmlands. Wealthy and corrupt businessmen, who are either part of the ruling party or their foreign allies, have bought up large swaths of land both in and around the city outskirts.

Urban development master plans

Even though it's subject to changes based on the availability of resources and local context, urban master plans typically contain ten basic elements. These include: goals and policy statements, land use plan, natural and cultural resources preservation, water resource protection, housing, economic development, open space and recreation, service and facilities, transportation and implementation program. In what is known among planners as ''slow but steady" approach, the planner may choose to focus only on some of the basic elements or prepare a customized plan through the "mosaic" approach. No matter how one chooses to prepare the scheme, urban planners are required to consider these elements in their overall planning process. Transparent public consultation and participation on each component is one of the decisive factors both during preparation and implementation phases.

Addis Ababa’s master plans rarely applied these basic tenets of urban planning. The city’s key problems pertain to zoning and poor land utilization. Old squatter settlements had irregular plot subdivision. Massive manufacturing and government establishments occupy large urban land.

I conducted a graduate-level research on the freight transport behavior in Addis Ababa and its challenges. Through interviews with city planners and review of documents related to the land use and transportation, I found that Addis Ababa's future policy direction was focused mainly on decentralizing the city to the surrounding suburbs. Besides, the policy gives little or no consideration to the welfare and well being of poor Oromo farmers who are already squeezed from all directions.

Previous master plan implementation was also rife with shortcomings. The city faces massive corruption, illegal land occupation and poor waste disposal practices and a severe lack of organizational and administrative capacity, logistics and skilled planning personnel.

Political or administrative planning takes the lion’s share of the city’s problems. The city administration is monopolized by political appointees and lacks technical researchers who can remedy its urbanization challenges. The deeply ingrained corruption drives these politicians motives to always look for more land that they could offer to highest bidders on the city's peripheries.

Addis Ababa's geopolitics

Addis Ababa, which Oromos call Finfinne, is the focal point of Oromia's geographic orientation. That's why Oromos refer to the city as ''Handhura Oromiyaa." Oromia's boundaries to the north and south of Finfinne is a short stretch, approximately about 100km, as opposed to its East-West borders. In other words, the extension of Addis Ababa’s metropolitan area within 100km radius could mean the partition of Oromia.  It would potentially detach Macha and parts of Tulama Oromo from their kins in eastern Oromia.

Despite its history as Oromo land, Finfinne does not reflect the cultural and socio-economic values of the Oromo people. The settlers have monopolized the city both culturally and economically, excluding or displacing native dwellers.

Furthermore, despite a symbolic Mayoral post occupied by an Oromo, the city is administered by powerful Tigrean deputies. For Oromia, the loss of several administrative woredas to Addis Ababa means lack of representation in the house of peoples representatives, which ultimately contributes to the extinction of an already weakened Oromo voice.

The biggest losers under this project are obviously Oromo farmers who have to give up their land. In Ethiopia, the state owns all land. This leaves the disfranchised farmers without any constitutional grounds to defend their property rights.

This is the grim and little known face of Finfinne and its environs since the city's creation some 127 years ago. In addition to the disruption of livelihood at the household level, under the proposed plan, the state of Oromia will also lose a huge chunk of tax money and other revenues generated from surrounding cities.

The social crises brought about by Addis Ababa's expansion over the last century are irreversible, to the extent that the identity of many of the Tulama Oromo clans who once lived in the area was exterminated through exile and assimilation. Unless this trend is stopped, in the long run, the fate of the entire Tulama Oromo will not be different. It's culture, language and other social values will slowly vanish as did the cultural fabric of Finfinne's original inhabitants.

Time and again, Oromo students have challenged efforts to change the city's constitutionally guaranteed status. Other Oromo cities such as Jimma, Dirre Dhawa and Bishoftu face similar encroachment. The ongoing Oromo student protests require every Oromo's active support and participation. Oromo engineers and urban planners must continually assess technical and jurisdictional issues and inform the public. Oromo journalists, politicians, legal professionals and social scientists should continue to deconstruct the state's development schemes. The diaspora should continue to ramp up its diplomatic and advocacy work raising awareness about human rights abuses against our people in Ethiopia.

Non-Oromo Finfinne residents

Non-Oromo citizens of the city should know that the goals of the ongoing protests is neither to harm them nor to declare the absolute supremacy of the Oromo people over the city. It is simply an attempt to prevent another round of the displacement of Oromo farmers and preserve Oromo's cultural heritage. Forced displacement poor farmers should alarm all freedom loving individuals and Addis Ababa dwellers must stand in solidarity with the #OromoProtests.

The Addis Ababa city administration should immediately halt its provocative project which could hamper the country's peace and security. The fervent opposition should give municipal authorities a renewed impetus to consider alternative, optimum and efficient land utilization within its existing boundary. It is time to build affordable housing projects which can accommodative its growing population. The city should look for better ways to promote advanced infrastructural facilities which don't take up a lot of land and most importantly stem out corruption to ensure good governance and equitable wealth distribution.

--

*The writer, Abel D. Ayele, is a former lecturer of Civil Engineering at Bahir Dar University, Bahir Dar Institute of Technology and currently Engineer In Training in Pennsylvania.  Figure: Expansion trend of Addis Ababa, (source, ORAAMP, 2002)

ጁነዲን ሰዶ አሜሪካ አትላንታ ገቡ “ይሄ ፋሽስት መንግሥት!” ማለት ጀምረዋል!ጁነዲን ሰዶ አሜሪካ አትላንታ ገቡ “ይሄ ፋሽስት መንግሥት!” ማለት ጀምረዋል!

ጁነዲን ሰዶ አሜሪካ አትላንታ ገቡ “ይሄ ፋሽስት መንግሥት!” ማለት ጀምረዋል!

 

“ይሄ ፋሽስት መንግሥት!” ማለት ጀምረዋል!

5/14/2014- አገር ለቀው የኮበለሉትና የኦሮምያ ፕሬዚዳንትነትን ጨምሮ በተለያዩ የመንግሥት መስሪያ ቤቶች በሚኒስትርነት ማዕረግ ያገለገሉት እንዲሁም የኦህዴድና የኢህአዴግ ሥራ አስፈጻሚ የነበሩት አቶ ጁነዲን ሰዶ አሜሪካ ገብተዋል። ኬንያ ለአንድ ዓመት ያህል በስደተኝነት ተቀምጠው የአሳይለም ወረቀታቸውን አግኝተው አትላንታ ከገቡ ሁለት ወራት እንደሆናቸውም የዘኢትዮጵያ ጋዜጣ ምንጮች ገልጸዋል።

 

አቶ ጁነዲን በአባ ዱላ ገመዳ እስኪተኩ ድረስ ከኦክቶበር 28/2001 እስከ ኦክቶበር 6 /2005 የኦሮምያ ክልል ፕሬዚዳንት ነበሩ። ከዚያም የትራንስፖርትና መገናኛ ሚኒስትር በመሆን እስከ ኦክቶበር 2008 አገልግለዋል። በመቀጠልም በሳይንስና ቴክኖሎጂ ሚኒስትርነት ከሠሩ በኋላ በመጨረሻም በ2010 የሲቪል ሰርቪስ ሚኒስትር በመሆን የቀድሞ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አቶ መለስ ዜናዊን መንግሥት አገልግለዋል። የአዲስ አበባ ዩኒቨርስቲም የቦርድ ሊቀመንበር ነበሩ። መንግሥታቸው ብዙ ዓመት ከኖሩበት የሚኒስትሮች ካቢኔ ያሰነባታቸው የአቶ ኃይለማርያም የጠቅላይ ሚኒስትርነት ዘመን ሲጀመር ነው።
የስደት ኑሯቸውን ማቃናት የያዙት አቶ ጁነዲን ከወዳጆቻቸው ጋር ሲያወጉ “ይሄ ፋሽስት መንግሥት እኮ የሚያደርገውን አያውቅም” በሚል መገረም ሲናገሩ መደመጣቸውን ምንጮቻችን ገልጸዋል። ባለቤታቸው ወ/ሮ ሀቢባ መሀመድ “በሽብር ተግባር ተጠርጥረዋል፣  ከሳዑዲ ኤምባሲ ገንዘብና መጽሐፍት ይዘው ሲወጡ ሐምሌ 9 ቀን 2004 እጅ ከፍንጅ ተይዘዋል” በሚል ተዘውታሪ ሰበብ በእስር መቆየታቸው ይታወሳል። ከሥልጣናቸው በመስመጥ ላይ ለነበሩት አቶ ጁኒዲም ይህ የባለቤታቸው እስር ተጨምሮ ከአገር ለመኮብለል መንስኤ መሆኑ ሲዘገብ መሰንበቱ ይታወቃል። ባለቤታቸውና ልጃቸው አሁንም በኢትዮጵያ የሚገኙ በመሆኑ አቶ ጁኒዲን በይፋ ምንም አስተያየት ሳይሰጡ ተቆጠበው መቀመጡን መምረጣቸው ተነግሯል።  ሰሞኑን በኦሮምያ ክልል ተማሪዎች ላይ እየደረሰው ያለው ግድያና ሁከት በአንድም ሆነ በሌላ መንገድ የሚመለከታቸው ቢሆንም፣ እንደ ተራ ሰው “ይሄ ፋሽስት መንግሥት ምን እያደረገ ነው” ብለው መገረማቸው መልሶ ማሰገረሙን ምጮቻችን ገልጸውልናል። የኦሮምያ ክልል ፕሬዘዳንት ከነበሩት ውስጥ ሀገር ጥለው የኮበለሉ ፕሬዘዳንቶች ከአቶ ሀሰን ዓሊ ጋር አቶ ጁነዲን ሲደመሩ ሁለተኛ መሆናቸው ነው። ሁለቱም አትላንታ መሆናቸው ሲገለጽ አቶ ጁነዲን በአንድ ዩኒቨርስቲ መምርህነት ሥራ ለማግኘት ማመልከቻ ማስገባታቸውም ተነግሯል።ምንጭ (ዘኢትዮጵያ)

Why Blogging is a Threat to the Ethiopian Government ???

By Beza Tesfaye. This post originally appeared on the media site, Africa is a Country.

As I write this, I am eerily reminded that in Ethiopia, expressing your views can get you a first class ticket to prison.

From April 25 to 26, 2014, nine Ethiopian bloggers and journalists were arrested. As we celebrated World Press Freedom Day on Saturday, they were being detained in Addis Ababa’s notorious central investigation office. Though charges have not officially been filed, the group is accused of “working with foreign human rights activists” and “using social media to destabilize the country”. If prosecuted under Ethiopia’s controversial Anti-Terrorism Law, they could face the death penalty.

The arrests are part of a disturbing trend in Ethiopia, which has frequently ranked as one of the most repressive places for press freedom in recent years. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, in the past decade, more journalists have fled Ethiopia than any other country in the world. For those who remain in Ethiopia the possibility of being charged with terrorism for criticizing the government is a real risk. In 2009 when an expansive and ambiguous Anti-Terrorism Proclamation was being debated, Human Rights Watch warned that:

“If implemented as currently drafted, this law could provide the Ethiopian government with a potent instrument to crack down on political dissent, including peaceful political demonstrations and public criticisms of government policy that are deemed supportive of armed opposition activity.”

Since the laws’ passing, what has precipitated is exactly what rights groups predicted. In less than four years, over 200 people have been arrested under the anti-terrorism law and more than 35 journalists and opposition leaders had been convicted of terrorism.

The latest victims of this repressive policy regime seem to be six young professionals that are part of a group of bloggers called Zone 9 and three journalists. The timing of the arrests, ironically, coincided with a visit from US Secretary of State, John Kerry, who expressed concern for the group in a press conference. Outrage against the arrests is also quickly spreading onsocial media; from Facebook and Twitter to a tumbler site. On the Zone 9ers’ website, their defiant motto still reads: “We blog because we care”.

Amongst the journalists arrested last week is Tesfalem Waldeys, a seasoned reporter and once editor of the widely popular Addis Neger newspaper, which became one of the first independent newspapers to shut down after the passing of the Anti-Terrorism Law. While several of his colleagues from Addis Neger fled the country, Tesfalem remained and gained a reputation as a professional and respected freelance journalist.

In 2012 Tesfalem wrote an article entitled, “When Reporting Becomes Terrorism”. Here he describes the crippling effect of the Anti-Terrorism Law on journalism in Ethiopia:

“Fear and self-censorship is rife among Ethiopian journalists. Many journalist friends of mine are frustrated. They don’t see any future on their profession. Some contemplated to live in exile. The few that I spoke to expected to be arrested at anytime soon. No one is sure who will be next on the list.”

Perhaps Tesfalem was so meticulous in his reporting and dedicated to his profession to think that one day he would be next on the list. If working within the system to change the system is the tempered approach to progress, in Ethiopia—where laws are used for political expediency—there is no reason to believe that one’s integrity will protect you from arbitrary arrest. In the long run, such actions will radicalize even the most committed pacifists and moderates. The Anti-Terrorism Law, in effect, is fueling opposition.

It puzzles me that a government backed by the largest and most sophisticated security apparatus in sub-Saharan Africa would see a group of bloggers and journalists as a real threat. If social media usage in Ethiopia were as high as in Arab Spring countries or access to independent newspapers common outside of urban areas, perhaps there would be reason for concern. But in a country where only 1.5% of the population uses the Internet and 61% of theadult population cannot read, it is hard to imagine how these writers could, in reality, destabilize the country.

Yet, the recent crackdown demonstrates that governments still fear new ideas, because new ideas challenge the status quo, are infectious and cannot be contained in prisons.

In recent years the common narrative of Ethiopia has been about growth and development. Although we should give credit where credit is due, why is it unacceptable to demand more? What is wrong with also expecting the rule of law? And human rights? And free and fair elections? When one speaks about the need for democracy in Ethiopia—or any developing country—people will look askance at you and tell you to worry about democracy after dealing with poverty, famine and HIV/AIDS. They will be quick to label you an idealist or point out that you have been brainwashed by “western ideals”. But the very notion that poor people, people in developing countries, only aspire for food and basic services is paternalistic and borders on racist.

The threat embodied in Ethiopia’s bloggers, journalists and free thinkers is that they are introducing a radical new idea—the idea of a freer, more democratic country. They represent a generation of young Africans that is daring to demand more from governments whose source of legitimacy is based in the unfortunate poverty of their countries’ populations. This idea, made even more infectious by the imprisonment of the bloggers and journalists, continues to spread in their absence.

source : global voices advocacy 

Ethiopian government brutal measure against Oromo students condemned by Human right watch

The Ethiopian government has used excessive force against students peacefully protesting the Government’s plans to expand the municipal boundaries of Addis Ababa, which would threaten the communities currently under regional jurisdiction, and would no longer be managed by Oromia Regional State. Demonstrators have expressed concern about the displacement of Oromo farmers and residents on the affected land.
Below is an article published by Human Rights Watch:
Ethiopian security forces should cease using excessive force against students peacefully protesting plans to extend the boundaries of the capital, Addis Ababa. The authorities should immediately release students and others arbitrarily arrested during the protests and investigate and hold accountable security officials who are responsible for abuses.
On May 6, 2014, the government will appear before the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva for the country’s Universal Periodic Review of its human rights record.
“Students have concerns about the fate of farmers and others on land the government wants to move inside Addis Ababa,” said Leslie Lefkow, deputy Africa director. “Rather than having its security forces attack peaceful protesters, the government should sit down and discuss the students’ grievances.”
Since April 25 [2014], students have demonstrated throughout Oromia Regional State to protest the government’s plan to substantially expand the municipal boundaries of Addis Ababa, which the students feel would threaten communities currently under regional jurisdiction. Security forces have responded by shooting at and beating peaceful protesters in Ambo, Nekemte, Jimma, and other towns with unconfirmed reports from witnesses of dozens of casualties.
Protests began at universities in Ambo and other large towns throughout Oromia, and spread to smaller communities throughout the region. Witnesses said security forces fired live ammunition at peaceful protesters in Ambo on April 30 [2014]. Official government statements put the number of dead in Ambo at eight, but various credible local sources put the death toll much higher. Since the events in Ambo, the security forces have allegedly used excessive force against protesters throughout the region, resulting in further casualties. Ethiopian authorities have said there has been widespread looting and destruction of property during the protests.
The protests erupted over the release in April of the proposed Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan, which outlines plans for Addis Ababa’s municipal expansion. Under the proposed plan, Addis Ababa’s municipal boundary would be expanded substantially to include more than 15 communities in Oromia. This land would fall under the jurisdiction of the Addis Ababa City Administration and would no longer be managed by Oromia Regional State. Demonstrators have expressed concern about the displacement of Oromo farmers and residents on the affected land.
Ethiopia is experiencing an economic boom and the government has ambitious plans for further economic growth. This boom has resulted in a growing middle class in Addis Ababa and an increased demand for residential, commercial, and industrial properties. There has not been meaningful consultation with impacted communities during the early stages of this expansion into the surrounding countryside, raising concerns about the risk of inadequate compensation and due process protections to displaced farmers and residents.
Oromia is the largest of Ethiopia’s nine regions and is inhabited largely by ethnic Oromos. The Oromos are Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group and have historically felt marginalized and discriminated against by successive Ethiopian governments. The city of Addis Ababa is surrounded on all sides by the Oromia region.
Given very tight restrictions on independent media and human rights monitoring in Ethiopia, it is difficult to corroborate the government crackdown in Oromia. There is little independent media in Oromia to monitor these events, and foreign journalists who have attempted to reach demonstrations have been turned away or detained.
Ethiopia has one of the most repressive media environments in the world. Numerous journalists are in prison, independent media outlets are regularly closed down, and many journalists have fled the country. Underscoring the repressive situation, the government on April 25 [2014] and 26 [2014] arbitrarily arrested nine bloggers and journalists in Addis Ababa. They remain in detention without charge. In addition, the Charities and Societies Proclamation, enacted in 2009, has severely curtailed the ability of independent human rights organizations to investigate and report on human rights abuses like the recent events in Oromia.
“The government should not be able to escape accountability for abuses in Oromo because it has muzzled the media and human rights groups,” Lefkow said.
Since Ethiopia’s last Universal Periodic Review in 2009 its human rights record has taken a significant downturn, with the authorities showing increasing intolerance of any criticism of the government and further restrictions on the rights to freedom of expression and association. The recent crackdown in Oromia highlights the risks protesters face and the inability of the media and human rights groups to report on important events.
Ethiopian authorities should abide by the UN Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials, which provide that all security forces shall, as far as possible, apply nonviolent means before resorting to force. Whenever the lawful use of force is unavoidable, the authorities must use restraint and act in proportion to the seriousness of the offense. Law enforcement officials should not use firearms against people “except in self-defense or defense of others against the imminent threat of death or serious injury.”
“Ethiopia’s heavy handed reaction to the Oromo protests is the latest example of the government’s ruthless response to any criticism of its policies,” Lefkow said. “UN member countries should tell Ethiopia that responding with excessive force against protesters is unacceptable and needs to stop.”
- See more at: http://www.unpo.org/article/17121#sthash.oqGDC4TK.dpuf

Oromo rally

Ethiopia: Brutal Crackdown on Protests: Security Forces Fire On, Beat Students Protesting Plan to Expand Capital Boundaries

Nairobi) – Ethiopian security forces should cease using excessive force against students peacefully protesting plans to extend the boundaries of the capital, Addis Ababa. The authorities should immediately release students and others arbitrarily arrested during the protests and investigate and hold accountable security officials who are responsible for abuses.

On May 6, 2014, the government will appear before the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva for the country’s Universal Periodic Review of its human rights record.

“Students have concerns about the fate of farmers and others on land the government wants to move inside Addis Ababa,” said Leslie Lefkow, deputy Africa director. “Rather than having its security forces attack peaceful protesters, the government should sit down and discuss the students’ grievances.”

Since April 25, students have demonstrated throughout Oromia Regional State to protest the government’s plan to substantially expand the municipal boundaries of Addis Ababa, which the students feel would threaten communities currently under regional jurisdiction. Security forces have responded by shooting at and beating peaceful protesters in Ambo, Nekemte, Jimma, and other towns with unconfirmed reports from witnesses of dozens of casualties.

Protests began at universities in Ambo and other large towns throughout Oromia, and spread to smaller communities throughout the region. Witnesses said security forces fired live ammunition at peaceful protesters in Ambo on April 30. Official government statements put the number of dead in Ambo at eight, but various credible local sources put the death toll much higher. Since the events in Ambo, the security forces have allegedly used excessive force against protesters throughout the region, resulting in further casualties. Ethiopian authorities have said there has been widespread looting and destruction of property during the protests.

The protests erupted over the release in April of the proposed Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan, which outlines plans for Addis Ababa’s municipal expansion. Under the proposed plan, Addis Ababa’s municipal boundary would be expanded substantially to include more than 15 communities in Oromia. This land would fall under the jurisdiction of the Addis Ababa City Administration and would no longer be managed by Oromia Regional State. Demonstrators have expressed concern about the displacement of Oromo farmers and residents on the affected land.|

Ethiopia is experiencing an economic boom and the government has ambitious plans for further economic growth. This boom has resulted in a growing middle class in Addis Ababa and an increased demand for residential, commercial, and industrial properties. There has not been meaningful consultation with impacted communities during the early stages of this expansion into the surrounding countryside, raising concerns about the risk of inadequate compensation and due process protections to displaced farmers and residents.

Oromia is the largest of Ethiopia’s nine regions and is inhabited largely by ethnic Oromos. The Oromos are Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group and have historically felt marginalized and discriminated against by successive Ethiopian governments. The city of Addis Ababa is surrounded on all sides by the Oromia region.

Given very tight restrictions on independent media and human rights monitoring in Ethiopia, it is difficult to corroborate the government crackdown in Oromia. There is little independent media in Oromia to monitor these events, and foreign journalists who have attempted to reach demonstrations have been turned away or detained.

Ethiopia has one of the most repressive media environments in the world. Numerous journalists are in prison, independent media outlets are regularly closed down, and many journalists have fled the country. Underscoring the repressive situation, the government on April 25 and 26 arbitrarily arrestednine bloggers and journalists in Addis Ababa. They remain in detention without charge. In addition, the Charities and Societies Proclamation, enacted in 2009, has severely curtailed the ability of independent human rights organizations to investigate and report on human rights abuses like the recent events in Oromia.

“The government should not be able to escape accountability for abuses in Oromo because it has muzzled the media and human rights groups,” Lefkow said.

Since Ethiopia’s last Universal Periodic Review in 2009 its human rights record has taken a significant downturn, with the authorities showing increasing intolerance of any criticism of the government and further restrictions on the rights to freedom of expression and association. The recent crackdown in Oromia highlights the risks protesters face and the inability of the media and human rights groups to report on important events.

Ethiopian authorities should abide by the UN Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials, which provide that all security forces shall, as far as possible, apply nonviolent means before resorting to force. Whenever the lawful use of force is unavoidable, the authorities must use restraint and act in proportion to the seriousness of the offense. Law enforcement officials should not use firearms against people “except in self-defense or defense of others against the imminent threat of death or serious injury.”

“Ethiopia’s heavy handed reaction to the Oromo protests is the latest example of the government’s ruthless response to any criticism of its policies,” Lefkow said. “UN member countries should tell Ethiopia that responding with excessive force against protesters is unacceptable and needs to stop.”

Six bloggers, journalist detained in Ethiopia on Friday

One journalist and six bloggers in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia are detained last night (Friday April 25, 2014), their family members and colleagues reported.
Tesfalem Weldeyes, freelancer for the weekly English newspaper, Addis Fortune, and Addis Standard magazine was escorted from his house around known as ‘Gotera condominium’ by the police, according to his neighbor with whom he left his house key.
“Late this evening I got a massive knock at my door. I opened and the guy by the door screamed at me “Tesfalem is calling for you outside”. I thought maybe he got into accident and run out to his place. He was surrounded by about seven people dressed civil and two policemen. They are carrying some clothes in a plastic bag and papers in another. ‘You have a spare key to his house. If anything is taken from his place you will be accountable,’ one of them screamed at me,” his neighbor wrote on her facebook wall late last night.
This morning photographs of six bloggers, known as writers of Zone Nine who criticize the government, published on social media by their friends indicating that they all are also arrested last night.

Campaign for the release of the detainees has also started on social media by their friends. They indicated that bloggers and activists arrested last night are: Befekadu Hailu Expert at St. Mary’s University College, Natnail Feleke, HR management officer at Construction and Business Bank; Mahlet Fantahun, Data Officer, Atnaf Berhane IT Services professional, Zelalem Kibret, Lecturer at Ambo University and Abel Wabella, a Tooling Engineer at Ethiopian Airlines.
According to relatives the detainees are now held in Maakelawi, a prison in Addis Ababa known mostly for interrogating detainees. Neither the police nor the government officials have made any statement on the issue to the media so far about the arrest of the journalists, bloggers and activists. Meanwhile the detainees are expected to appear to court by Monday.
“Tesfalem like anybody else have opinions…but he has never let them influence his articles and he always reached out to all parties in order to include a wide range of views; I remember how hard he fought to get into the ruling party’s latest congress. I am absolutely uninterested to hear what trumped up charges the government has to justify his arrest, he should be freed immediately!,” said former Associated Press correspondent in Ethiopia commenting on his facebook wall.
Another relative named Adam Brookes also wrote describing Tesfalem as “an independent journalist, a modest, much-loved individual who survived the 2010 Kampala bombings, and who reports with professionalism and insight on EPRDF rule in Ethiopia.”
In a related development one of the emerging opposition party known as blue Party has called for a public rally in Addis Ababa for tomorrow (Sunday).
“…the most significant human rights problems are: freedom of expression, freedom of association, illegal detention; displacement of certain ethnic groups, politically motivated trials; harassment; intimidation of opposition members and journalists, and continued restrictions on print media are just a handful of the violations.”
“Blue Party does not believe that the Ethiopian regime is willing to facilitate a political atmosphere that will provide freedom for the people. Therefore we believe we have to fight for it,” the party said in its statement a few minutes ago.

Source : abbaymedia