US House Bill Requires Accountability From Ethiopia (Press Release)

US House Appropriation Bill Requires Increased Accountability from Ethiopia as Prerequisite for Funding

PRESS RELEASE
Solidarity Movement for New Ethiopia
Washington, DC – Is United States policy towards Ethiopia shifting? For years Ethiopians, social justice groups, human rights organizations and civic groups have been calling on donor countries to demand greater accountability from the Government of Ethiopia for funds received, citing the lack of political space, endemic injustice, the repression of basic freedoms and widespread human rights crimes; however, now, the people of Ethiopia have reason to expect that the climate of impunity is changing.
The United States House Appropriations Committee has included stringent new requirements of accountability from the Government of Ethiopia in a section of the new 2014 bill that directly addresses Ethiopia. (Please refer to the sub-section of the bill below.) It links the release of U.S. funds designated for Ethiopian military and police forces to Ethiopia’s implementation of corrective policies that would address the declining state of human and democratic rights in the country, including in the Somali Region of Ethiopia where access to the area must be given to human rights and humanitarian organizations. New steps are also to be required that would document actions taken by the government “to investigate and prosecute members of the Ethiopian military and police who have been credibly alleged to have violated human rights.” This is commendable because it is the accountability we have been calling for since the investigations following the Gambella massacre. The names are there but what has always been missing is the impartial judicial system.
The law also prohibits funds appropriated to Ethiopia under the headings, “Development Assistance” and “Economic Support Fund” that are available for the lower Omo Valley and the Gambella region to be used directly or indirectly in the forced evictions of the people. Rather, it is to be used to “support initiatives of local communities to improve their livelihoods” and requires that these initiatives “be subject to prior consultation with affected communities.”
Additionally, it requires the Secretary of the Treasury “to instruct the United States executive director of each international financial institution, like USAID (United States Agency for International Development), the World Bank and the IMF (International Monetary Fund), to oppose financing for any activities that directly or indirectly involve forced evictions in Ethiopia.” This means in any area of the country. Finally the people of Ethiopia have been heard. The United States’ decision, as the largest donor to Ethiopia, will make a difference; hopefully, other donor countries will follow.
If this had been a jury hearing, the burden of proof would have been established. We want to thank those on the House Appropriations Committee for including this in the bill. We also want to thank those in the House and Senate who are responsible for passing this section of the bill, finally pressuring the Government of Ethiopia to be more accountable for its use of U.S. taxpayer funds and more accountable to its own citizens.
Others within the U.S. House, like Congressman Christopher Smith, the chairman of the Subcommittee on Africa, should also be lauded for his continued work which is still in process. Reportedly, that bill will call for democratic reforms in Ethiopia and is a result of the House Sub-committee hearing on Ethiopia last June.
We also want to recognize the work of many different organizations and individuals who have contributed to this outcome through advocacy, research, investigation, documentation, appeals, legal actions, organizing and networking. Such efforts take commitment, resources, perseverance and time, but eventually these efforts can become the leverage necessary for meaningful changes in Ethiopia, like have been accomplished after years of work in countries like South Africa, Chile, and Ghana.
This should encourage Ethiopians and those fighting for reforms in Ethiopia to do more and to not give up. Even with this new law in place, individuals, communities and organizations—both Ethiopian and non-Ethiopian—are critically needed to monitor the situation on the ground; otherwise, compliance may only be rhetoric or on paper. We are hopeful other countries will follow suit.
We know donor countries have a history of aligning with Ethiopia, despite its democratic failings, because it has been the most stable country in a neighborhood of failing and failed states; however, overlooking its deficiencies has weakened its prospects for sustainable stability, increasing the risk that simmering tensions and ethnic divisions within the country could erupt into ethnic violence that could destabilize the entire region. On the other hand, due to Ethiopia’s strategic position in the Horn of Africa and its central importance to Africa, a more democratic Ethiopia could offer much to the continent as well as to global partners. Internal corrections will move the country in the right direction.
Over the coming year or more leading up to the next election in Ethiopia, Ethiopians must be working hard to press for the opening up of greater political space, the implementation of meaningful reforms and engaging in more dialogue across lines of isolation and alienation. This means that reconciliation efforts must come to the forefront. It is a time for truth-tellers, reconcilers and agents of change. This cannot be left in the hands of a few. Yes, Ethiopians should be grateful to those supporting the passage of this bill and for those advocates of freedom, justice and human rights in the world who have helped us and continue to do so; however, ultimately, with God’s help, we Ethiopians must free ourselves.
For those within the TPLF/EPRDF- led government who may not initially be pleased with this new bill or the one being advanced by the House, we encourage you to think forward to an Ethiopia that has a place for both “our children” and “your children” only because meaningful reforms were implemented. Come to your senses. Let us implement it with genuine diligence. We the people will do our share. We urge you to do the same.
The freedom we envision in a New Ethiopia is not only for those living under oppression, but it is also for those who are doing the oppressing for “no one is free until all are free.” If meaningful reforms are to happen, we must start talking with each other rather than about each other, even if we disagree. Let us start the discussions with the following critical issues which have kept our country in shackles:

1. Release political prisoners and journalists
2. Repeal the Anti-terrorism law
3. Repeal the Societies and Charities Proclamation
4. Open up political space and restore basic freedoms such as of expression, association and religion
5. Re-establish an independent media and judiciary

No society is at peace until the basic rights of all of the people are observed; not given to only a few based on someone’s favored ethnicity, gender, political viewpoint, religion or other distinction, but given equally because we are all human beings, given life, dignity and value by our Creator God. The New Ethiopia has to start in the hearts, souls and minds of the people, not only of the oppressed, but also of the oppressor. This new bill requiring more justice for all people in Ethiopia is a gift to all of us!  Let us use this God-given opportunity for the common good of the Ethiopian people of today and tomorrow!

———————————————

A copy of the sub-section of the House Appropriations Bill (2014):

AFRICA (p. 1294)

SEC. 7042.

(d) ETHIOPIA.—Funds appropriated by this Act that are available for assistance for Ethiopian military and police forces shall not be made available unless the Secretary of State—

(A) certifies to the Committees on Appropriations that the Government of Ethiopia is implementing policies to—

(i) protect judicial independence; freedom of expression, association, assembly, and religion; the right of political opposition parties, civil society organizations, and journalists to operate without harassment or interference; and due process of law; and (ii) permit access to human rights and humanitarian organizations to the Somali region of Ethiopia; and (B) submits a report to the Committees on Appropriations on the types and amounts of United States training and equipment proposed to be provided to the Ethiopian military and police including steps to ensure that such assistance is not provided to military or police personnel or units that have violated human rights, and steps taken by the Government of Ethiopia to investigate and prosecute members of the Ethiopian military and police who have been credibly alleged to have violated such rights.

 (2) The restriction in paragraph (1) shall not apply to IMET assistance, assistance to Ethiopian military efforts in support of international peacekeeping operations, countering regional terrorism, border security, and for assistance to the Ethiopian Defense Command and Staff College.

(3) Funds appropriated by this Act under the headings ‘‘Development Assistance’’ and ‘‘Economic Support Fund’’ that are available for assistance in the lower Omo and Gambella regions of Ethiopia shall—
(A) not be used to support activities that directly or indirectly involve forced evictions; (B) support initiatives of local communities to improve their livelihoods; and (C) be subject to prior consultation with affected populations.

(4) The Secretary of the Treasury shall instruct the United States executive director of each international financial institution to oppose financing for any activities that directly or indirectly involve forced evictions in Ethiopia

source : ECADFORUM 

A Little About Kaliti prison

By Getinet Dinkayehu 
The continuous arrests, detention, torture and disappearance of people in Oromia should indeed be a cause for concern to every Oromo people living in the country and abroad. The past 22 years have been the most painful period in Oromia. A week hardly passes without someone being picked up and detained by the TPLF security agents for one unexplained reason or another. The Last couple of weeks I have received a lot of messages from Oromo nationalists residing in western parts of Oromia through my emails, which I preferred not to mention their names here because of their security. Here is the message I received from one friend in “Afaan Oromo” and I wanted to put it in English as follows; “I am in deep tensions and annoyed because of the case associated with my family. My father was a respected businessman in our local area. Now about two weeks are passed since my father left his home and his whereabouts still unknown. Following his disappearance the TPLF Trojan horse better known as OPDO imprisoned one of my family members and coercing to reveal where my father is. What I knows about my father is, after he openly started criticizing the evil doings of the TPLF led Ethiopian regime and the Puppet OPDOs on different public meetings; he was continually harassed and even received several death threats including the family. He was arrested at different times suspected of OLF member without due legal process and without family visitations, tortured and interrogated at gunpoint to reveal the agents he was working with for OLF. The reason why he was mainly targeted as criminal and went to jail at different times is not because he was a criminal or have done anything wrong against anybody, but only because he protested that why his Oromo brothers and sisters were cold-bloodedly killed by TPLF securities without any reasons and because he protested against the widespread injustices being committed by the regime agents in Oromia. When my father was in woyanes secret detention center, the inhuman treatments he experienced at the hand of the torturers were horrible and even some part of his face was disfigured because of the massive tortures”.
Indeed this is a daily practice of the regime against many Oromo in wider scale. I personally know many Oromo; outstanding students, teachers, business men who were unlawfully detained by woyane securities or disappeared and their families are not informed of their whereabouts.
The most worrisome situation still going in various parts of western Oromia is that, people always branded as criminals and unlawfully detained only for being an Oromo and alleged association with the OLF or sympathizing with Oromo opposition political organizations. Despite a lack of any evidence against those people, the security agents continuously torture them in secret detention centers. Also other friends from the same area said that, to pick up peoples at night and take to prison is still a daily practice of woyane securities. Imagine sitting with your family waiting to have the dinner only to receive a knock on your door that you are wanted for questioning. You are then whisked away from your beloved family without anyone knowing your whereabouts, condition of detention or what crime you might have committed. This is exactly what peoples in many parts of Oromia still going through. Many people disappeared or been killed in a very systematic way simply because they exercised their fundamental rights. Diverting the mobile phone to their security forces and internet censorships are being practical on many people. The current human rights situation in western Oromia is terrible and repugnant. There is woyanes rule that does not tolerate any form of criticism in the area at all. Even the very slightest criticism of the government in the area could land a person in jail and charge with terrorism or “shororkeessumma”(in puppet OPDOs definition). Now this situation is highly forcing people to live under great fear and uncertainties than ever. It has become normal for the people in western Oromia to simply disappear into thin air; especially those who dare to criticize the government or who are reported by their adversaries to the regime securities.
It is very annoying when the TPLF minority led regime blatantly continues through its security forces to unlawfully arrest and detain anybody they perceive as an opponent. To add insult to injury, Most of the detainees are seldom informed of their rights and/or reason for their arrest or detention and are often held beyond the time limit without charge contrary to the edicts of the so called constitution. Several productive youths are running away to escape the difficult life that controlled the area. Activism for democracy, human rights and justice are being met with secret killings, torture, arbitrary arrests and detention. The name TPLF security or “Dehninet” has brought a great fear to every Oromo hearth, whenever someone is picked up. Some remain silence because they are afraid to speak up against what is going on.
We have seen that On the beginning of this year January 2014, when people on the world joyfully celebrated the New Year and wished peace, security improvements and prosperity to their own people, in contrary the Ethiopian Federal Court gave a prison sentence to 45 people, Most of them are Oromo nationalist political prisoners sentenced to three to twelve years in prison. Without committing any crime against anybody, they were unlawfully arrested in 2010 and were accused of being members or sympathizers of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). This alone can publically tell that TPLF/EPRDF regime has totally cracked down on political freedoms and continued committing widespread human rights violations with total impunity. Ethiopia today is ;the only country where the government publically labeled genuine dissents as terrorists and criminals, the worst kept secret killing field and the most politically intolerant regime in Africa. It is the country where the rule of law, good governance and the sanctity of human life are alien concepts. It is the country where torture, enforced disappearances, extra-judicial executions, detention without trial, statutory murder and extra-judicial convictions has become officially rooted as normal governance practices and intensifies its containment of democracy each day, and rules strictly through the instrument of paralyzing fear and the practice of brutality against ordinary citizens.
We have seen that when told the reality of Oromo, they call it anti-national or terrorism. For long we have seen that the TPLF owned Media distort the truth of Oromo for their own cause. For long we have seen that their Media created false and fabricated stories on Oromo nationalists. For long we have seen that several Oromo nationalists who were unlawfully detained And languishing in prison have been denied justice by TPLF court judges who were hired by a regime whose sole aim is to brutalize, torture and silence anybody against their tyrannical style of governance. For long we have seen that many innocent people unjustly sentenced to life term and death.
The TPLF minorities are all the leaders of the executive the legislative, judiciary and military branch, their words are final and anyone who goes against their authority is doomed. They are all the lawmen’s, the judges, the jury and the executives. They act as the ‘Creators’ of the people in Ethiopia, They decides who walks freely or shackled in jail, live, work and/or die. Judges are hired and fired by the TPLF cadres without any explanation. They owe their entire livelihoods to them and they determine who comes before these judges and the sentences they receive. Now, getting justice for Oromo in Ethiopia under TPLF is compared to hunting for a dinosaur in this day and age. It is very dangerous for the people when a single party members from one minority group has all such powers and even more dangerous if there is no accountability and no limit. No single party or leaders should have absolute power to run a nations single handily and with iron fist.
What is the future for Oromo?  Will there be any conductive environment where all Oromo people will be free from such kinds of fear, intimidation, torture, arrest and humiliation to express their legitimate rights and fundamental human rights which remains Unthinkable under TPLF gangs?  No family, groups and businesses should count themselves safe from persecution, arrest, humiliation, detention without trial and torture under this brutal regime. We Oromo should be brave enough to come out from every corner and fight against the ever worsening injustices that continue to bedevil our motherland. Everyone, irrespective of party or group, is duty bound to act. In our journey to Demand our freedom, we must be ready to use every Avenue.  The injustices meted on us are enough.
We should not  expect the westerners to bring about the change we are seeking for in our Land, it’s we” Oromians ” who has to come together under one umbrella  with a sole purpose of eradicating Dictators and liberating our people. We might not be united in the same political party but we should be united in the same course in fighting dictatorship. Look at the likes of Tunisia, Libya and Egypt. It’s the voices of the people that brought about change from the streets of Tunis to Tripoli to Benghazi and from the Cairo to Alexandria. It has come to a point in which we also need to do anything to get our freedom. For any meaningful political change to take place, the people must take it upon themselves to effect the change. As a result, we must not expect that an angel will descend from heaven and liberate us from Dictators. But the onus of liberating Oromia from oppression is every Oromians obligation.
Fellow Oromians, Let us ask ourselves these simple questions. With logic, we understand how our people are dying in silence.
Why TPLF led Ethiopian regime mainly targets Oromo people; intellectuals, Businessmen, teachers, university students, artists and entrepreneurs?
Why many Oromo on a daily basis are being arrested and detained without genuine reasons?
Why many Oromo are missing and their whereabouts remain unknown by their family and love   ones?
Why many Oromo are still languishing in jail without trial or have had their trials delayed?
Why many Oromo Nationalists were shot dead in their home and in public by TPLF securities?
Why many people have been fired from their jobs and schools for no apparent reasons?
Why many lands and properties have seized and looted from Oromo under this regime?
Why many Oromo on daily basis are fleeing TPLF/EPRDF persecution and suffering in neighboring countries and dying in deserts?
How on earth one can be sentenced to life term or death penalty only for demanding his Freedom without committing any crime against anybody?
Tsunamis of Human right violations of the above are well documented and are available online.
Do we as a people only have to speak the truth and or condemn injustice only when it affects us directly and or personally? This is a question that I am posing to some people who are in a position of this regime today. To those dummy OPDO leaders who continue to carry out TPLFs dirty works be warn that you will all be going down with them. The world is now a global village and war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by any person or party will never go free. The choice is yours.
To those who think they have no say or voice on the atrocities committed against our people, Martin Luther King Jr. In the end, we will not remember the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends. Oromia is under silenced bleeding by this evil regime. If we see injustice and remain silent, we have sided with evil. We have seen that Killing Oromo is the trade mark of this regime. These killings are not spontaneous or accidental they are done intentionally to silence the whole people.
Therefore, to prevent further injustice and sufferings there needs to be a collective response to the giant atrocities in Oromia. We all have a duty to ensure that we free our land from TPLF/EPRDF dictatorship.  This should be done with united front and sincere commitments. I hope the sooner we all look at freedom as an inherent human right that is a prerequisite for any society to progress, and not as a “gift” to be given to only to the deserving, the sooner we will face this challenge as one nation UNITED in the destruction on tyranny!  Oppression cannot stand forever, and it shall be replaced with freedom.
So, Fellow Oromians at home and Diaspora, Let us all rise up in unison and demonstrate against this brutal regime and fight for our freedom and for the freedom of all political prisoners who are inhumanly suffering in Ethiopia.

Ethiopia Abducts two key-ONLF senior leaders and negotiators in Nairobi, Kenya

By Ahmed Abdi

January 28, 2014 (ONLF) — Two high-ranking members of the ONLF, who were peace negotiators between ONLF-and- Ethiopia have been abducted in Kenya by the Ethiopian security agents on Sunday afternoon(26/01/2014).

The Group issued yesterday a press release saying that “The Ethiopian security abducted Mr Sulub Ahmed and Ali Hussein, two senior ONLF leaders from Nairobi yesterday afternoon. The leaders, who were members of the ONLF negotiation team, were in Nairobi for a proposed third round of talks.”http://onlf.org/?p=578

Amharic fluent speaker-Sulub Ahmed ,a former ONLF-head-quarter’s commander and a member of Central Committee and Ali Hussein aka Ali-dhere ,a member of the 74 ONLF central Committee have been in Nairobi waiting to resume a peace-talk between Ethiopian government -and-ONLF which stalled 17 October last year. 

The two men had no guards with them during their stay in Nairobi. and they went missing yesterday afternoon after going to the town centre. Their cell phones went dead in the early afternoon. Early reports indicate that the Ethiopian security who armed with pistols drugged them and took  them to Moyale through Isiolo Route, crossing through the gaint Ogaden border .

Waiting the news of these two ONLF-negotiators ,it was cleared on Monday morning that they have fallen into the hands of the Ethiopian agents that operate outside of the Ethiopian borders.

ONLF stated in its press release that “In 1998, the Ethiopian Army killed three members of an ONLF delegation team and abducted two members, who were coming back to ONLF base after participating in bilateral negotiations with the Ethiopian government inside the Ogaden. Two years ago, the Ethiopia government assassins killed another senior leader in Nairobi too”. The group mentioned further that  ”This is not the first time that the Ethiopian government has acted in an unethical and uncivilized manner by killing or abducting ONLF delegates engaged in peace talks”.

Although ,Kenya accepted to broker  the previous ONLF-Ethiopia peace talks, still for the last 3 years, Kenya territory has been a place for Ethiopian agents to kill, abduct and intimidate at will any one suspected of being ONLF-Sympathizer or a refugee who fled from Ogaden Region.

In its twitter account (@ONLFJWXO), the Liberation Front stated that “Last year an abduction attempt of #ONLF leaders by #Ethiopian Security from #Nairobi was thwarted by #Kenyan Police”.

The abducting of the two-key negotiators is a blow to efforts to negotiate a political solution to the 3 decades-long war between Ethiopia and Ogaden region.

“This heinous act constitutes a breach of confidence in dealing with Ethiopia and will gravely hamper any further talks with Ethiopia. This cowardly act, will further invigorate the quest of the Somalis in Ogaden for freedom”,said Monday’s ONLF-foreign press Release.

Although the website-run by Ethiopian-appointed Ogaden administration already claimed the responsibility for the abduction of ONLF-negotiators ,the Ethiopian government remains tight lipped over the “abduction” of 2 negotiators and the Kenyan government did not comment on this fresh abduction.

“It was Kenya’s responsibility as a facilitator of the peace talks it should have the moral responsibility to protect at least these officials or allow them to carry weapons with them to protect themselves respectively.It is also Ethiopia’s violation over the Kenya’s sovereignty”,said Mohammed Farah, a journalist and a human rights activist.

Regional commentators believe that  this indicates as it was  mentioned earlier that some of the Ethiopian government members are unwilling to continue the peace-talks between ONLF and Ethiopia and this incident will jeopardize the peace again.

Source: ONLF

US Congress Takes a Historic Stance Against Land Grabs-Related Forced Evictions in Ethiopia

MEDIA CONTACT: 
Anuradha Mittal, 510-469-5228; amittal@oaklandinstitute.org

Frederic Mousseau, 510-512-5458; fmousseau@oaklandinstitute.org

Oakland, CA – In a historic move, the US Congress has taken a stance on land grabs-related human rights abuses in Ethiopia. The 2014 Omnibus Appropriations Bill contains provisions that ensure that US development funds are not used to support forced evictions in Ethiopia.
The bill prevents US assistance from being used to support activities that directly or indirectly involve forced displacement in the Lower Omo and Gambella regions. It further requires US assistance in these areas be used to support local community initiatives aimed at improving livelihoods and be subject to prior consultation with affected populations. The bill goes further and even instructs the
directors of international financial institutions to oppose financing for any activities that directly or indirectly involve forced evictions in Ethiopia.
According to Anuradha Mittal, Executive Director of the Oakland Institute, “We welcome this move as it aims to address one major flaw of US assistance to Ethiopia. The step taken by the US Congress is very significant, as it signals to both the Ethiopian government and the US administration that turning a blind eye to human rights abuses in the name of development is no longer an option.”
Several reports from the Oakland Institute have raised alarm about the scale, rate, and negative impacts of large-scale land acquisitions in Ethiopia that would result in the forced displacement of over 1.5 million people. This relocation process through the government’s villagization scheme is destroying the livelihoods of small-scale farmers and pastoralist communities. Ethiopian security forces have beaten, arrested, and intimidated individuals who have refused to relocate and free the lands for large-scale agricultural plantations.
Ethiopia’s so-called development programs cannot be carried out without the support of international donors, primarily the US, one of its main donors. Oakland Institute’s on-the-ground research has documented the high toll paid by local people as well as the role of donor countries such as the US in supporting the Ethiopian policy.
This language represents an important first step towards Congress initiating a comprehensive examination of US development practices in Ethiopia. As the oversight authority of the State Department, Congress must now ensure that the law is fully upheld and implemented. This warrants thorough scrutiny of USAID programs to Ethiopia and their contribution to forced resettlements and human rights abuses.
With this bill, USAID, the State Department, as well as the World Bank, will have to reconsider the terms and modalities of the support they provide to the Ethiopian government. According to Frederic Mousseau, Oakland Institute’s Policy Director, “This is a light of hope for the millions of indigenous people in Ethiopia who have sought international support from the international community to recognize their very destruction as communities and people.”

oakland institute

De offrar allt för ett fritt land Aftonbladets Martin Adler träffar Afrikas kurder – oromofolket – i ett snårigt gränsland

 ETT OKÄNT KRIG Oromofolkets Befrielsefront (OLF) hittar man någonstans på gränsen mellan Kenya och Etiopien. Under 30 års tid har de stridit för självständighet och ett eget land, ändå känner få till deras kamp.Foto: Martin Adler

GRÄNSEN MELLAN KENYA OCH ETIOPIEN 

Efter ett tag ser jag dem. Små grupper på två–tre soldater sitter i sina slitna kamouflagedräkter under träden och i buskagen. De viskar, rörelserna är sparsamma, en del har burriga afrofrisyrer, kanske en av fem är kvinnor. Totalt är de uppemot tvåhundra personer, spridda över ett område stort som ett par tre fotbollsplaner.
Att det här skulle vara ett gerillaläger är svårt att se även när jag var mitt inne i det. Men de här människorna har tränat länge på att göra sig osynliga.
Att göra saker i det tysta.
De hade faktiskt varit så bra på det att efter 30 års krig och tiotusentals döda är deras kamp i praktiken helt okänd för omvärlden och nästan inga journalister har varit hos dem.
Det hade inte heller varit lätt att ta sig hit.
Två dagars bilresa genom en öken där banditer försörjer sig på att stjäla boskap och råna resenärer och sedan, flera timmar till fots genom tät snårskog där allt som växer har taggar. Vi hade gått vilse och väl framme i lägret höll vi på att missa det genom att gå ut på andra sidan in-nan vi märkt att vi var där.
Jag fick en plats under ett träd där jag kunde rulla ut sovsäcken. Tolken Boro blev anvisad en likadan precis bredvid. Vi fick ris och getkött (en lyx förunnad gäster och ett fåtal andra) tre gånger om dagen och så mycket te vi kunde dricka.
Jag fick röra mig fritt, men bara inom lägret.
Det tog inte lång tid förrän jag förstod att gruppen jag hamnat hos inte var rövargerilla av somaliskt eller liberianskt snitt.
Tvärtemot.
Känsla av ”år noll”.
Disciplinen här är extrem. Ibland får jag känslan av en sekt där individen offrar allt för kollektivet och där personligheten helt enkelt suddats bort.
När jag intervjuar soldaterna, män eller kvinnor, är svaren ofta ett mantra.
– Vi kämpar mot det koloniala förtrycket.
– Rörelsen är vår familj, vår mor, vår far.
– Vi ångrar inget.
– Vi offrar allt för saken.
Efter ett tag vet jag svaren in-nan jag ställt frågorna.
Känslan av ”år noll” hänger hela tiden i luften.

Jag är någonstans på gränsen mellan Kenya och Etiopien, i en gerillabas för oromofolkets befrielsearmé (OLF). Organisationen bildades på 1970-talet samtidigt med ett flertal andra befrielsefronter i regionen som anslöt sig till marxism eller den extrema albanska tolkningen av stalinism.
OLF-ledningen menade att 1900-talets etiopiska kejsare, som var från folkgruppen amhara, hade koloniserat oromofolkets resursrika hemtrakter, samtidigt som de europeiska stormakterna koloniserat resten av Afrika.
De andra länderna hade till sist fått sin självständighet men inte oromofolket – en av de största folkgrupperna i Afrika.
Varför inte? Jo, eftersom det var en fråga om svarta som koloniserade svarta märktes det inte. Det internationella samfundet hade helt enkelt glömt bort dem, sa de.
De var Afrikas kurder.
De flesta i lägret rabblade alltså en läxa de lärt sig utantill. Men inte alla.
Redan första dagen hade jag sett Nuria Hassan, 23, när hon gick omkring och trallade för sig själv. Hon bar plastsandaler, håret var fixat i en massa små flätor och över axeln bar hon ett granatgevär.
Geväret var gammalt och slitet, hade tjänstgjort i ett flertal inbördeskrig och den gröna färgen på eldröret hade flagnat bort för länge sedan.
Men Nuria tyckte om sin ”bazooka”.
När hon inte bar på den låg den vid hennes sida, och om nätterna fanns den alltid tätt intill henne där hon sov på marken.
Varje dag rengjorde hon den, torkade omsorgsfullt bort dammet och lindade sedan in den i oljiga trasor.
Och nu när vi satt och pratade i den 36-gradiga skuggan av ett oansenligt men taggigt träd, låg den där på plats vid hennes sida på en gammal filt. Bredvid den hade någon ställt fram en termos med te och jag smuttade på det från en plastkopp, teet var sött och smakade ingefära.
Nuria själv hade flätat håret på ett nytt sätt sedan jag sett henne första gången. Hon tycktes byta frisyr varje dag.
Med en loj gest sveper hon bort en av tusentals insekter som surrar ihärdigt i luften omkring oss. Det var inte länge sedan hon gick i åttan, berättar hon på oromospråket.
Hennes föräldrar var nomader, hade ingen fast boplats och satsade på sönernas skolgång i första hand. Nuria började skolan först när hon var tretton år.
Men väl där tyckte hon om skolan. Hon var till och med rätt så duktig.
Men en dag kom hon inte hem.
– Soldaterna kom till skolan. De anklagade oss elever för att vara med i gerillan, OLF. De låste in oss på skolan och torterade oss.

Det skulle dröja över en månad innan Nuria släpptes.
Det första hon gjorde när hon var fri, berättar hon för mig, var att gå med i den gerilla som hon ursprungligen och felaktigt hade anklagats för att vara med i.
Det kunde inte ha varit ett lätt beslut att fatta.
Kraven för att gå med i Oromos befrielsefront lyder ungefär så här: acceptera att gå utan mat, ibland utan vatten, sova på marken, kanske aldrig se sin familj igen, ge upp nästan alla personliga tillhörigheter, inte få någon lön, inte ha pengar, avstå från sexuella relationer, vara villig att döda och att själv dö för saken.
Nuria och de andra som trots detta gick med i rörelsen skulle snabbt lära sig att det fanns två grundbultar i tillvaron hos OLF: kalasjnikovs och svarta sopsäckar.
Kalasjnikoven används i strid. De svarta sopsäckarna till nästan allt annat.
Man sover och sitter på dem, använder dem som matbord, som skydd mot regnet och som tak.
Soldaterna tvättar sina kläder genom att gräva en grop i marken där de sedan trycker ned sopsäcken, fyller på med vatten och vips så har de en tvättbalja.
Och de använder de svarta sopsäckarna för att bära bort dem som dödats i strid.

Jag frågar Nuria om hon någonsin var rädd och trodde att jag redan visste svaret.
Jag hade fel.
Hon var rädd en gång, säger hon.
Det var förra året vid en plats som hette Bowku, inte så långt från staden där hon gick i skolan. Vid slutet av en isolerad väg låg en mindre regeringsgarnison som gerillan skulle anfalla. För att ta sig dit fick de gå i tre nätter. Om dagarna sov de i skogen.
Väl framme gömde de sig i buskarna ett 30-tal meter från barackerna. Det knöt sig i magen på Nuria som aldrig tidigare hade varit i strid och ville kräkas.
Men skräcken försvann sekunden efter att hon avlossat det första skottet. Sen lät hon och de andra gerillasoldaterna kulorna regna över lägret i flera timmar. Hon såg hur soldaterna sprang där inne.
De hade inte en chans.
– Vi dödade många, säger hon nu. Det var inga som gav upp.

Martin Adler 

Etiopien

Yta: 1 133 380 km.
Huvudstad: Addis Abeba.
Antal invånare: 68 613 000 (2003).
Statsskick: Republik, förbundsstat.
Regeringschef: Meles Zenawi.
BNP per invånare: 95 US dollar.
Etniska grupper: I Etiopien uppemot ett 100-tal etniska grupper. Den största är oromo med uppskattningsvis 25–30 miljoner människor. Amhararn och tigreanerna har historiskt dominerat landet.

OLF gerillan

  OLF (Oromofolkets befrielsefront) bildas på tidigt 70-talet med syfte att skapa ett fritt land för oromofolket som länge förtryckts av regeringarna i Addis Abeba.

  En militärjunta under ledning av Mengistu Haile Mariam tar makten 1974.

  Militärregimen störtas 1991 och OLF är under en kort tid en del av den nationella övergångsregeringen som bildades.

  Inför lokalvalen 1992 bryter strider ut mellan regeringsstyrkor och OLF-förband och OLF flyr tillbaks till bushen.

  1995 införs en form av etnisk federalism i Etiopien och oromofolket får sin egen region, ”Oromia”.

  15 maj. Nationella demokratiska parlamentsval hålls i Etiopien.

  8 juni skjuter säkerhetsstyrkor mot studenter i huvudstaden Addis Abeba som demonstrerade mot påstått valfusk. 36 människor dödas.

  Etiopiens regering stämplar OLF som en ”terroristorganisation”, en benämning som dock inga länder i väst accepterar.

Ethiopia Has a Terrible Human Rights Record - Why Is the West Still Turning a Blind Eye?

Some disappeared, others were given lengthy prison sentences. One thing all thirty men arrested in 2012 in Ethiopia had in common was that they had criticised the state and the policies of the former Premier, Meles Zenawi.

And yet last week Japan's Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and a group of Japanese business leaders met with the current Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Hailemariam Desalegn to discuss further support for Ethiopia at "government and private sector level."

The former Meles Zenawi was a staunch supporter of American counter-terrorism policy while at the same time overseeing a country with a violent human rights record. In the eyes of the USA, Ethiopia is strategically situated. Located in the Horn of Africa, next to Somalia, northern Kenya and Sudan, it acts as a buffer zone between the growing Islamic extremism of Somalia and the West. As a result, the human rights violations of Zenawi were ignored.

As one of the first signatories of the UN in 1948, Ethiopia is a Western ally: 11 per cent of its entire GDP comes from Foreign Aid. The US is one of Ethiopia's largest donors: it is estimated that it gave $3.3bn in 2008 alone. The two countries benefited from their close relation: there have been rumours that America hosted "black sites" in Ethiopia; bases where the CIA interrogated undeclared prisoners during the "War on Terror."

But Meles Zenawi died in 2012. The opportunity for a more liberal government was not seized: Zenawi was replaced by Hailemariam Desalegn, described by critics as an "identikit Zenawi" running the country on "auto-pilot". Desalegn is following the same political manifesto as Meles - he hasn't changed one member of parliament.

The arena for debate and discussion is narrowing. Critics argue that Ethiopia is fast becoming a "one party democracy" where there are many parties but the same one wins again and again. Meles spoke to foreign press in 2005 and defended his 97 per cent electoral victory: "In democracies the party with the best track record remains in power." The years since 2005 have seen growing unrest among the Ethiopian population and serious repression against critics of the regime. Human Rights Watch reported that Ethiopia "continues to severely restrict freedom of movement and expression". It adds that "30 journalists and opposition members have been convicted under...vague anti-terrorism laws".

The day before World Press Freedom Day on May 2 2013, the Ethiopian government ruled to uphold the imprisonment of one of its most well-known prisoners of conscience, Eskinder Nega. He was jailed for being a journalist who criticised the government, and yet, by standing up for his beliefs and expressing his basic human right for Freedom of Speech, he earned an 18 year jail sentence.

Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn has denied his release. America and Britain have done little to challenge their ally, so worried are they about creating another enemy in the Horn of Africa. Britain and America have consistently failed to challenge their ally about its abhorrent Human Rights record. Ethiopia flaunts its apathy towards the UN convention of Human Rights, denying opposition members a right to fair trial and repressing people for trying to voice their opinions peacefully.

Ethiopian political repression is worsening. There have been repeated crackdowns against the country's Muslim minority. This has included arbitrary arrests as Muslims make peaceful demands for freedom of worship. Again, critics have voiced concern with the regime. Mehari Taddele Maru, head of the African Conflict Prevention Program at the Institute for Security Studies expressed concern that "if legitimate grievances are not met then there is a risk that extremist violent elements will exploit those grievances to further their own."

The world is waking up to Ethiopia's increasingly poor human rights track record and yet the United States hasn't stopped aid flowing to Ethiopia or threatened the country with sanctions. Japan still tries to conduct business with Ethiopia when instead they should be holding Ethiopia to account.

As a founding member of the UN and an "ally" of the West, Ethiopia must be held accountable for her crimes. If the West does not challenge Ethiopia and demand that it releases its prisoners who have been locked up without fair trial, then notions of democracy and human rights accountability as embedded in the Human Rights Charter look ever more vulnerable-Human Rights globally will be laughed out of the door.

Source:- http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/eleanor-ross/ethiopia-human-rights_b_4649953.html

በቦረና ኦሮሞና በቡርጂዎች መካከል በተነሳ ግጭት ሰዎች እየተሰደዱ ነው

ቦረና አከባቢ የሚኖሩ ቡርጂዎች እየተሰደዱ ነው፡፡ ከአከባቢው ያገኘነው መረጃ እንደሚያመለክተው የግጭቱ መንስኤ በቡርጂ መንደር ተገድሎ ተገኘ ተባለ የቦረና ብሄረሰብ አባል አስከሬን ነው፡፡ ባለፉት 70 እና 80 ዓመታት በዚያ አከባቢ ከመኖራቸውም በላይ የኦሮሚኛ ተናጋሪ እንደሆኑ የሚነገርላቸው ቡርጂዎች ዛሬ ለመፈናቀል ያበቃቸው ምክንያት ሴራ እንሆነ ይናገራሉ፡፡ እንደአስተያየት ሰጪዎች መረጃ ታህሳስ 25 በድሬ ወረዳ ሜጋ ከተማ የቡርጂ ተወላጅ ተማሪዎች ክፍል እንዳይገቡ ተከለከሉ፡፡ በ27/ 04 /2006 ዓ.ም በቦዳ ጫጩ ሩምሴ ቀበሌ አቶ ጃርሶ ተባለ የቦረና አባል ሁን ተብሎ በካድሬዎች የግጭት መንስኤ እንዲሆን የተቀነባበረ ሴራ ተገድሎ እንደተገኘ ይነገራል፡፡ በዚሁ እለት በቦዳ ዜሮ ቀበሌ አቶ ገልገሎ ሁቃ የተባለ የበረና አባል ተገድሎ ተገኘ ፡፡ በዚሁ ግጭት ጫልሰሞ ጮልጎ የተባለ የቡርጂ ብሄረሰብ አባል በኢታኔ ገልዶ ቀበሌ ተገደለ፡፡ አቶ ሱማሌ ህርቦ የተባለ የቡርጂ ብሄረሰብ ደግሞ በቦዳ ዜሮ ቀበሌ ተገደለ፡፡ አቶ ቦዴ ፊርጤ የተባለ የቡርጂ ብሄረሰብ አባልም ተገደሉ፡፡
የአካል ጉዳት የደረሰባቸው የቡርጂ ሰዎች
1. አቶ ጉዮ ሞሉ
2. አቶ እብቻ ሎሌ
3. አቶ ብሩ አሸቱ
ቡርጂዎች ይህንን ተከትሎ
1. ቦዳ ዜሮ ቀበሌ
2. ቡላዳ ቀበሌ
3. ዲደ ሜጋ ቀበሌ
4. ኦላ ሰፋ መንደር ተፈናቀሉ ሲሆን በሜጋ ከተማ የህዝብ አዳራሽ ውስጥ ተጠልለው እንደሚገኙ ታውቋል፡፡

በግጭቱ የተነሳ ከአንድ ሺህ በላይ ቡርጂዎች መሰደዳቸው ታውቋል፡፡

Full Speech of the OLF Representative

Full Speech of the OLF Representative, Dr. Shigux Geleta, on the Frankfurt Horn of African Solidarity Conference

January 20, 2014
Dear Mr. Chairman,
Dear Honorable Representatives of the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), and beloved members of the Oromo, Ogadenian and Eritrean communities as a whole! It is a great privilege and honor for me to be among you today representing the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).  First of all, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to the Organizing Committee for having organized such a timely and important conference supposed to assess the social, political and economic situations of the Horn of Africa with a special emphasis on the Ethiopian empire.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The Oromo-Ogaden and Eritrean Solidarity, such as the one we see today here in Frankfurt, did not emanate overnight or out of naught. It has rather had its own history and raison d’etre in our distant history of struggles for freedom against the oppression and subjugation we commonly had suffered, and are still suffering, under the Ethiopian empire.  Indeed, I believe that the Oromo-Ogaden-Eritrean solidarity is deeply rooted in the hearts of our respective peoples who continually aspire through their struggles to restore their inalienable right to the right to self-determination. No doubt, each people has its own separate history and social identity – in accordance to which it articulates the specificity of its problems, and hence propose their solutions accordingly. However, those specificities can never override the common experience of colonial oppression, and therefore, the necessity of solidarity among different freedom-seeking peoples. Freedom for each is pre-determined by freedom for all, and vice-versa. Such mutuality and reciprocity lies at the core principle of the type of solidarity I am talking about.
Though the Eritrean people have already counted two decades of freedom and sovereignty, it is precisely because of this basic principle that the Eritrean people and government still remain in solidarity with the Oromos, Ogadenians and other oppressed nations and nationalities. Its freedom will not be a full-fledged one without the freedom of other oppressed peoples of the region, because the security and political stability in Eritrea are unthinkable without peace and justice in the region as a whole. Therefore, the urge and strife for people’s freedom would remain to be the ultimate explanation for the relentless support the Eritrean state has been giving to the Oromo liberation struggle. The Oromo, Ogaden and Eritrean solidarity is a matter of categorical imperative to the political will of the region, and the Horn of Africa in general – not just an accidental phenomenon that lies in the whim of their respective politicians.
Honorable representatives and all participants of the conference,
Our common march to freedom, equality and justice is just like traveling on a big ship which sails on the vast open ocean to a common destiny. Not only do we need to ascertain where we are traveling to, but also the conditions of the ship and the possible obstructions it may face, be it natural or technical, so that the ship not only arrive at the point of its original and final destination safely, but also smoothly and punctually. This is an analogy that best describes for me the common march of the Oromo-Ogden and other oppressed peoples in the Ethiopian empire to freedom as they are progressing in their endeavor to build and shape a more stable, democratic and prosperous society. As much as the sailing journey is dependent on many unforeseeable natural calamities, human and technical failures, our common march to freedom can never be smooth, calculable or guaranteed against all odds. As experience has repetitively shown us, our journey has always been with many ups and downs which would often result with forth and backward movements in our struggle.
Betrayal in the course of Ethiopian politics has been observed several times in our protracted struggle. In 1991, for example, the mediating international community promised solidarity with our struggle as it heralded the famous motto “No Democracy; No Support.” But sooner than the ink, with which the Transitional Charter had been written, dried, the Western World turned, as you all know – deaf ear and blind eye to the catastrophic aftermath of the failure of the Transitional Agreement. The so-called international community was not alone in such a betrayal. Even our neighboring countries, such as Kenya, Sudan and Djibouti, did the same by having subsequently handed over our veterans to the EPRDF government. In due course of time, we were even betrayed by our own members as the balance of force kept tilting to the side of the TPLF/EPRDF.
Despite all the odds and the calamities we had had to be through, our determination and resilience to the struggle for freedom have been gathering its momentum through the immense sacrifices the Oromo Liberation Army [OLA/WBO] and the Oromo youth have been paying back at home. By contrast, we, Oromos in Diaspora, need to critically assess ourselves in respect to the minimum national duties we are expected to fulfill on our part. We need to be reflective as to whether we have done, and are doing, all what we can do in protecting and safeguarding, at least, the achievements of those sacrifices. We need to learn from our past mistakes not to repeat history. Today, we need, more than ever, to resolutely work and endeavor to be the masters of our own destiny rather than simply waiting and hoping someone else to accomplish our own duties.
Today, our peoples are in a period of transition. It is a transition from self-awareness as a nation towards self-realizing as a social agent of change towards achieving a more stable, prosperous and democratic system for the entire region – without relinquishing one’s own ideals and national identities. As history has taught us, a period like this is indeed full of sensitive and critical problems, which can often result in a setback and the deterioration of the nation’s living conditions. It is in this situation that social instability would result and would further precipitate chaotic and disorderly behaviors even amongst freedom-seeking nations themselves. Such a period could even be more dangerous when the stronger or superior sides are forcing their own will by repressive mechanisms.  Accordingly, today, our nations are challenged with varied, complex and multifaceted problems in the areas of politics, economy, social affairs, and security and environmental conservation.
Therefore, taking this opportunity, I would like to extend our call again to stand shoulder to shoulder in the face of the larger common goal of eradicating the horrendous oppressive system of the Ethiopian empire, and to ascertain freedom, liberty, justice, and peace for our peoples and the Horn as well. Needless to stress the fact that only people’s freedom and liberation can guarantee for peace and stability in the region.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
In what follows, I would like to shed a light on how the TPLF-led EPRDF has ruled with iron feast for the last 22 years. It created in the 1990s a form of “indirect rule” based on the official definition of ethnicity. Organizationally, the TPLF has managed the full control over EPRDF. It has systematically pushed out viable opposition forces out of the legal political playing field. Key positions in the national defense force and security have been overwhelmingly occupied by Tigrayans. Finally, they have managed to build one of the strongest armies in Africa, not only to smash down any opposition force in the country, but also to keep and guard “security and stability” in other African states, such as the ones it has sent to Rwanda, Liberia, Sudan,  Somalia and South Sudan in the name of “peace-keeping forces.” In having done so, it has used the opportunity in portraying itself as the best partner of the West in fighting international terrorism. Mind you! Its achievements are two-fold at a stroke. While it is consolidating its military power and dominance in the region on the one hand; it is simultaneously using this very act as a source of securing international financial support and legitimacy, on the other. By the same token, it puts all IGAD [the Intergovernmental Authority on Development] member-countries under its influence either by cross-border raids or trade ties, such us promoting the electric power. It hires foreign consultants in Brussels, London, Washington D.C. and New York for the purpose of lobbying its repressive political system to the Western governments. It sells fertile land of Oromia and the South to foreigners, and uses its subversive action as a diplomatic leverage. It has bought and penetrated oppositions with money, and tries to attract the Diaspora with minor/petty benefits. Despite all these, it has never succeeded to defeat our liberation struggle. On the contrary, we are vigilant, resilient and determined in our struggle more than ever. Today, we are progressively getting better militarily. As I have already mentioned, the Oromo Liberation Army [OLA/WBO] is very much visible in its consistent operations in the entire Oromia region, including the central one, directly, adjacent to the capital city Finfinne/Addis Ababa. General civil unrest and mass movements have been underway for quite sometime thanks to the Oromo Youth, known as Qeerroo, which is getting progressively support from all other social sectors beyond the youth.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Finally, our struggle for democracy, freedom and self-determination stands at a historic juncture where it is gathering and consolidating its momentum in determining not only our separate destinies, but also the course of history for the entire region in the future. As I have already mentioned elsewhere, as an Oromo nation and the Oromo Liberation Front, we believe that our alliances with all oppressed peoples, progressive democratic forces and peace-seeking neighboring countries in the region are strategically important in the drive towards freedom, peace and stability for the Horn. The struggle for freedom will be concluded when the right to self-determination is realized, and the choice of the people is implemented and respected. In this regard we have to be cautious not to make unforgivable failure by deciding ourselves the outcome of a people’s choice that affects the existence of the right to make a choice. The outcome of our people’s referendum should not be a subject of a political discussion as we witness today. In respect to this principal position of the OLF, I recommend my fellow Oromos to see not things in their mundane existence, but in their interrelationships – not in their snapshot appearance, but in their contextual essence as part and parcel of a larger process.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The politics of alliance demands identifying reliable partners, articulating and undertaking common objectives to be achieved and cultivating mutual trust to achieve further consolidation of unity at yet higher level. Interests based on geographic proximity, cultural ties, complementary economy, suffering the same fate of subjugation are all factors that make the Oromo and other oppressed peoples of the south natural allies. This shouldn’t be misused by lack of skills and foresight on both sides. EPRDF is skilled in instigating ethnic conflicts. The ongoing savage act of “the Somali kilil liyyuu tor” [the Special Military-Police of the Somali Region in Ethiopia] on Oromos (in the Mayyoo, Fadiis, Miidhagaa Lolaa, Cinaaksan, Baabbilee areas of east Oromia and farther south in Diida of the Borana zone) is just a case in point. Our vanguard organizations, and both Oromo and Ogaden elders, need to work hard to stop such bloodshed orchestrated by our common enemy, the TPLF.
I should unmistakably emphasize that we, Oromos, have no animosity towards any other people in the region except that we are against the oppressive and repressive system in the Ethiopian empire. We all know that governmental systems are temporal as a matter of historical necessity. However, peoples and their relations to one another remain eternal, in fact, often bonded by common destiny. It is based on this basic fact that we insist on the need and importance of solidarity among our peoples if they are to achieve freedom, justice, prosperity and peace in the region as a whole. An enduring and lasting peace can only be achieved through justice that confers each people with the right to self-determination – a fundamental principle of voluntarism, free choice based contractual conception of society upon which all modern democracies are established.
As a result, let us stand together; unite our efforts against the EPRDF regime; and support each other and work hard in collaboration to achieve our dream for freedom.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Let me conclude my speech with a reminding announcement to my Oromo fellows and, of course, friends of the Oromo:
As I suppose you all know, January-First is a multifaceted anniversary for OLF members and supporters, and the Oromo people at large. It was decided as a date of anniversary for the Oromo Liberation Army [OLA/WBO] in 1979, and it was first celebrated in 1980. Since then, it has always been celebrated by all freedom-loving Oromos around the world. The historical background to this choice is shortly as follows: In November 1973 J/ Elemo Qilxuu and his comrades took Chercher as a guerrilla base to fight against the colonial yoke, and in September 1974 they began to combat against the Emperor’s army, but the armed struggle was terminated for a while, and again started in 1976. It was endangered in 1978 and recovered in 1979. As a result of such hazardous situations encountered by the OLA, January 1^st was selected to be the anniversary day of OLA. Since January 1st of 1980, it has been celebrated as the Day of OLA and New Year. Once again, I congratulate you for the Day of OLA and wish you a happy New Year.
Thank you for your attention,
Long Live OLA!
Freedom and Justice Shall Prevail!
The Struggle for Freedom Shall Continue until Victory!
Honor and Glory for the Fallen Heroines!
Thank you,
January 04, 2014
Frankfurt am Main, Germany

Mass Ethiopian muslims who are under custody tortured to death by brutall authorities

በርካታ ሙስሊሞች “ሕዝብን ለሽብር ቀስቅሻለሁ” ብላችሁ እመኑ በሚል በእስር ቤት እየተገረፉ መሆኑ ተዘገበ

January 21 /72014

ህወሐት መራሹ የኢትዮጽያ መንግስት ሕዝበ ሙስሊሙ ላይ የሚወስደውን እርምጃ አጠናክሮ እንደቀጠለ ነው ሲል ቢቢኤን ራድዮ ዘገበ። እንደ ራድዮው ዘገባ ከኢዱ ጅምላ ጭፍጨፋ ቡኋላ መንግስት ልዩ ግብረ ኃይል በማቋቋም በአ/አበባ በወልቂጤ እንዲሁም በአዳማ ከተማዎች ላይ የሚገኙ መስጂድ የሚያዘወትሩ ወጣቶችን ከየቦታው አፍኖ በመውሰድ በአገራችን ጏንታናሞ ማእከላዊ እስር ቤት ውስጥ “ሕዝብን ለሽብር ቀስቅሻለሁ” ብላችሁ እመኑ እየተባሉ ቀን ከሌት የስቃይ አይነት ሲያስቆጥራችው ከርሞ ጥር 7 2006 ቁጥራቸው 16 የሚደርሱ ወጣቶችን የወያኔ ፋሽን የሆነውን የሽብርተኝነት ክስ መስርቶ ወደ ቂሊንጦ (ሒጅራ ኮምፓውንድ ) አዛውሯቸዋል::

(ፎቶ ፋይል )

ራድዮው ዘገባውን ቀጥሎ ”አሁንም የስቃይ መአት እየተቀበሉ ያሉ ወንድሞች ደግሞ ዛሬም እዛው ማእከላዊ ይገኛሉ፤ ምንም በማያውቁት ወንጀል የተከሰሱ ወንድሞቻቸው ላይ በግድ እንዲህ ሲያደርጉ ነበር ብላችሁ መስክሩ ተብለው ነው የሚሰቃዩት” ካለ በኋላ በስቃይ ላይ ያሉትን ስም ይጠቅሳል።

1ኛ አብዱላሂ ከሊል፣ ከጀርመን መስጂድ የተያዘ፤
2ኛ. መስፍን ገብሬ (ሀቢብ) ከቄራ መስጂድ
3ኛ. ኡመር ሹክረላህ ከኮልፌ አካባቢ
4ኛ ሙጅብ አሚኖ ናቸው።

“ማንኛውም በሕግ ጥላ ስር የሚገኝ ዜጋ ከሕጋዊ ጠበቃውና ከቤተሰቡ ጋር መገናኘ ትእንደሚችል ወረቀት ላይ ብቻ የቀረው ህገ መንግስት ቢገልፅም መንግስትም ሁሌም በህግ ስም ሲምል ሲገስፅ ቢውል ቢያድርም ለነዚህ እና ለብዙ ዜጎች ሹፈት ሆኖባቸዋል ጠበቃ እንዳያገኛቸው “ጠበቃ አያስፈልገንም “በሉ ተብለው ብቻ የሚደርስባቸው የስቃይ በትር ለአእምሮ ይከብዳል::” ያለው የቢቢኤን ዘገባ ከዚህ ሁሉ የከፋው እውነት ‘ማንኛውም ኢትዮጵያዊ በባህሉ በሃይማኖቱ ተከብሮና የፈለገውን እምነትና አስተሳሰብ ማራመድ ይችላል’ የሚለውን የሕገ መንግስት ማእዘን ገደል የከተተው እርምጃ ወንድማችን መስፍን ገብሬ (ሀቢብ) ላይ የሚደርሰው ‘ለምን ሰለምክ?’ እየተባለ በማእከላዊ ገራፊዎች የሚደርስበት ስቃይ ነው” ብሏል። ራድዮው በመጨረሻም “ይህ ወንድማችን የሁለት ልጆች አባት ሲሆን ከመስከረም10 ቀን ጀምሮ ማእከላዊ እየተሰቃየ ይገኛል፤ እነዚህን ወንድሞች ከጎናቸው ልንቆም ይገባል፤ እንዲሁም የሚደርስባቸውን ኢሰብአዊ ድርጊት ሁላችንም ለማጋለጥ እንነሳ” ሲል መልዕክቱን አስተላልፏል።

 ዘ -ሐበሻ

Raped Oromo woman gave birth three kids in yemen

Kidnaped & then repeatedly raped Oromo woman gave birth for  three  children in Yemen ,  it is  a great pity for us !!! when is our sisters sorrow ends in middle east & Home ?  why we failed to protect our Land & Our people ? how can we help those who are victims in middle east ?  ufffffff Endless question .......who is accountable for such cruelty ? Are Ethiopian government authorities  ? sure they are .  Please watch this video from Yemen

This is what tigreans dreaming

independent Tigray republic? really?

Here we go... modern day myopic Agame hardliners seeking a separate home land after plundering Ethiopia's wealth for 22 years and annexing a massive chunk of fertile land from adjacent agriculture and livestock rich Amharic provinces of Gonder, Wello and Gojjam.

They think ceding from Ethiopia before the total collapse of Tigre rule will help them evade prosecution for the heinous crimes they have committed since May 1991. These shameless and unrepentant bandits seeking independence are culprits and accomplices of Tigre war crimes for 22 years. Being wealthy and power-drunk, they tend to forget that no matter where they hide, they will be hunted down and indicted.

The intractable Tigre warlords who burned down villages in the Ogaden, north Gonder, Oromiyya and Gambella areas; TPLF army Generals who planned and implemented massacres in unimaginable scale to subdue the tyrannized Ethiopians for 22 years will face justice soon. It is only a matter of time.

Who is responsible for the deportation of thousands of Amharas from areas of plenty to areas of scarcity? Who must be held accountable for injecting Amhara women with the contraceptive Depo-Provera drug to change the demography of north Gonder, the land which is ethnic cleansed and annexed by Tigray republic?

Ceding wont help war criminals. There will be a time of reckoning for murderers.
long live Ethiopia!!!!!!

i

In autocratic Ethiopia, we are all Bekele Garba

inShare1

by Hassen Hussein
On November 1, 2012, Ethiopia’s kangaroo court convicted nine Oromo nationals, including opposition leader Bekele Gerba, who was nabbed on Aug. 27, 2011 after meeting an Amnesty International delegation, under that country’s sweeping anti-terrorism law. Their sentencing is scheduled to take place in a few weeks.
The Oromo term roorroo connotes more than its often used English equivalent, injustice. It denotes, in the words of anti-apartheid leader and the greatest statesman of our time, Nelson Mandela, a time "in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices - submit or fight."
Gerba, the Vice-President of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), knew too well that his oppressed nation faced such a trying moment under the rule of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). The courageous Gerba chose not to submit. He valiantly fought against the violence suffered by the Oromo not with guns but through a non-violent means as a parliamentarian and an opposition party leader.
Finding Gerba's peaceful actions protected by the constitution treasonous, the EPRDF regime which considers any form of dissent and Oromo nationalism a high crime, charged him under its draconian terrorism law.  
Three of the defendants – Bekele Gerba, Olbana Lellisa, and Olbana Lammi – asked the presiding judge to speak without a lawyer. Gerba was the first to rise.
In my life time, I have opposed injustice, discrimination, ethnic favoritism, and oppression," he told the court.

I am honored to learn that my non-violent struggles and humble sacrifices for the democratic and human rights of the Oromo people, to whom I was born without a wish on my part but due to the will of the Almighty, have been considered a crime and to be unjustly convicted.

The judge interrupted reprimanding him for not saying anything that would gain him the court's leniency in sentencing. "If apology was warranted," Gerba continued.

I would seek it not from the court that found me guilty of a crime I did not commit but rather from my people as well as the Almighty; for my people for failing to fully speak to the depth of their suffering in the interest of the co-existence of peoples and from the Creator if my zealous defense of the rights of the Oromo people was done to further my personal interest or to aggrandize my personal fame rather than to promote the long-term desire of all the people of the country to live in freedom, dignity, and equality.

Gerba is not the first to deliver a ringing indictment of the injustice of Ethiopia’s justice system. But, few have done so as eloquently and as fearlessly. His courage to speak knowing that after the dismissal of his wife from her job, his kids will go hungry without a provider underscores his commitment to a higher cause.
The words of heroes inspire as much greatness when uttered in misfortune as in times of triumph. Nearly half a century ago, addressing his executioners, after a death sentence handed down by a similar kangaroo court under trumped up charges, Lieutenant Mamo Mazemir, one of the trailblazers of Oromo emancipation, uttered those often quoted words that were seared into the minds of generations of Oromo freedom fighters.

Please tell my children that I did not die in vain. My blood is spilled for the just cause of the Oromo people.  I am certain that those who falsely convicted me, for a crime I did not commit and their rulers, will receive the appropriate judgment of Ethiopian people at this very spot I am being hanged. More importantly, sooner or later, the Oromo people will win their freedom by the struggle of its fighters.

The year was 1966, a time of general tumult in Ethiopia, before the big storm was to hit, and a period of national renaissance in Oromo history. After a long period of lethargy, the decade saw the awakening of the Oromo nation. In the South, the Bale uprising, led by the late general Wako Gutu had shaken the foundation of the brutal feudal system loosening the grip of absentee landlords on the countryside. The Oromo spirit was being rekindled by a cultural revival in the East, thanks to the monumental contributions of the likes of the legendary Oromo singer, Ali Birra. Most importantly, the heartland of Oromia was teeming with the first pan-Oromo movement, the Macca and Tulama Association, led by general Taddese Birru.
Forty years later, faces may have changed but little else has with the behavior of Ethiopia's rulers. The law punishes political dissent as a crime while celebrating political freedoms in its books. The ideal of living in a democratic and free society, a dream for which Mandela was prepared to die and Gerba has resolved to endure long imprisonment, has still eluded the Oromo and all people of Ethiopia.
One thing is for sure: Gerba's speech will go down in the annals of Oromo history on par with the famous words of prisoners of conscience like Haji Robale Tura, Mamo Mezemir, Taddessa Birru, and Haji Adam Saddo.
To the extent that being a self-respecting Oromo and a lover of liberty are viewed as a crime in Ethiopia, we are all guilty of this capital offence. In a way, we are all Bekele Gerba today. So long as Gerba followed in the footsteps of the pioneers, Mamo Mezemir is not dead; he lives in Bekele Gerba and the millions who strive to see freedom and justice prevail over tyranny in Ethiopia.

Denver jurors convict man accused of being Ethiopian prison torturer

By Bruce Finley
The Denver Post

 

Kefelegn Alemu Worku

A metro Denver man accused of being a notorious prison guard who tortured and killed political prisoners in Ethiopia was convicted of immigration fraud Friday in federal court.
U.S. government prosecutors made the case that Kefelgn Alemu Worku lied about his past and stole another man's identity to come to Colorado in 2004 as a refugee and then gain citizenship.
The case has emerged as a beacon for refugees from Ethiopia, Rwanda and other countries where atrocities happened, who now are trying to expose fellow immigrants they suspect were criminals back home. Federal authorities have jailed another Ethiopian, in Atlanta, whom they suspect of committing atrocities.
The conviction in Denver has "opened the door" for uncertain and sometimes haunted immigrants seeking justice in the United States, said Samuel Ketema, 53, who received a tip that led to the confrontation of Alemu Worku, widely known as Tufa, outside the Cozy Cafe in Aurora.
"We know of many. They participated in atrocities. But we didn't have any evidence, like for this case. But some day we will get them. Now we know what to do."
Ketema and his brother, Kiflu, 58 — who in May 2011 told Alemu Worku "I think I know you" and notified federal authorities — are among the estimated 30,000 Ethiopian immigrants along Colorado's Front Range. While many regard the dark side of Cold War-era Ethiopia as shameful and are trying to forget, about 20 packed U.S. District Judge John Kane's courtroom Friday.
The verdict left them satisfied.
"I saw people being tortured by him. He killed one of my best friends," said Kiflu Ketema, who testified during the week-long trial.
"Just put him in jail here and then send him back," Ketema said. "I don't want to see him walking the streets again. I left my country because of him."
A jury took three hours to convict him on three charges of falsifying identity and lying — including statements that he never participated in persecution. Alemu Worku could face up to 22 years in prison and, after his release, deportation. His sentencing is set for Dec. 19.
Kane, who had ordered Alemu Worku to turn around and face his accusers as they testified in court, immediately stripped him of his citizenship.
In a statement, U.S. Attorney John Walsh called Alemu Worku a war criminal and said the trial "offered Alemu Worku's victims the opportunity to speak the truth bravely for all to hear and to see that a measure of justice would be done, at long last."
When Alemu Worku reached Colorado, he escaped notice for seven years because he hung mostly with teenagers and avoided Ethiopians likely to remember persecution, said Wanaw Beleta, 48, who was imprisoned himself.
"Every community has some of these people who don't go to church, always hiding," said Beleta, who was among those in the courtroom. "In the future, I hope, just like this, they go to court."
Now a white-haired man in his 60s, Alemu Worku sat silently through Friday's proceedings, arms folded, tilting his head forward as he listened with help from interpreters.
He had admitted, in a note to Kane, to lying about his identity, but he denied committing atrocities.
A handwritten document from Ethiopia, obtained by federal investigators and translated, indicates Alemu Worku was tried in absentia and sentenced to hang for war crimes.
The federal case focused on immigration violations rather than alleged crimes in Ethiopia, which happened during the 1970s under the former "Derg" dictatorship.
During the trial, torture survivors identified Alemu Worku and recounted the extreme degradation of prisoners, torture with sticks and bloody executions.
A network of prisons, run under dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam, was used systematically against Ethiopians associated with pro-democracy political opposition.
Federal public defender Matthew Golla argued that, while horrors happened, testimony based on 35-year-old recollections should leave at least a reasonable doubt as to Alemu Worku's guilt.
"The individual who did these things is not sitting in this courtroom," he told jurors.
But in the end, Golla said after the verdict, "the evidence was so painful that it made the case an uphill battle."
Bruce Finley: 303-954-1700, twitter.com/finleybruce or bfinley@denverpost.com