Countercurrents.org
After 23 years of
suppression at the hands of the EPRDF, simmering discontent and anger
appears to finally be spilling over onto the streets. Robbed of hope,
the people have had enough, enough of the wide-ranging human rights
abuses. The denial of constitutional rights, the arbitrary imprisonments
and torture, regime violence, the displacement of people from ancestral
land, the partisan distribution of aid, and the rising cost of living.
The right to peaceful protest
Like many
democratic principles, the right to protest is enshrined in Ethiopia’s
constitution. Written in 1991 by the EPRDF, the legally binding document
of liberal correctness is routinely ignored by the regime, whose
response to public protests has been consistently violent.
Last year Addis
Ababa witnessed the first mass demonstrations since 2005, when “security
forces killed dozens of protesters [some estimate that up to 200 people
were murdered by government forces] and arbitrarily detained thousands
of people across the country.” [ Human Rights Watch (HRW)]
Unsurprisingly since then the streets have been quiet. Until 2013 that
is, when in June thousands found the courage to march through the
capital demanding the release of political prisoners, “respect for the
constitution” and “Justice! Justice! Justice!” [ Reuters ]
And again in November, when enraged demonstrators gathered outside the
Saudi Arabian Embassy in Addis Ababa and cities across the world to
protest the appalling abuse meted out to Ethiopian migrants in the Gulf
State. Many hoped this united response was the beginning of a
coordinated movement of collective action, a long overdue movement for
change.
Ethiopia is
young, 65% of the population are under 25, the median age is a mere 17,
and like protest movements elsewhere — Egypt, Brazil, Turkey e.g., it is
the young who are leading the way. They see clearly the injustices, the
violations of fundamental freedoms and the duplicity of a government
that presents a democratic face to its international allies and
benefactors whilst brutalising its own people.
Since 25 th
April, students have demonstrated throughout the Oromia Regional State,
protesting against the government’s sinister sounding ‘Integrated
Development Master Plan’. The Oromo people constitute Ethiopia’s largest
ethnic group — around 27 million people — almost a third of the
population. They have been marginalised and discriminated against since
the 19 th century when Empress Taytu Betul (wife of Menelikk II) chose
the site of Addis Ababa for the capital. As the city grew Oromos were
evicted from their land and forced onto the margins — socially,
economically and politically: “time and again, Oromo farmers were
removed from their land under the guise of development without adequate
compensation.”[ Geeska Africa ].
Like tyrants everywhere, the paranoid EPRDF is hostile to all forms of
dissent no matter the source; however they react with greater levels of
brutality to dissenting voices in Oromia than perhaps anywhere else in
the country, and “scores of Oromos are regularly arrested based on their
actual or suspected opposition to the government.” [
href="http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AFR25/002/2014/en/116b7cd2-e39f-49b6-a276-f324b07d95d4/afr250022014en.html">Amnesty International (AI)]
href="http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AFR25/002/2014/en/116b7cd2-e39f-49b6-a276-f324b07d95d4/afr250022014en.html">Amnesty International (AI)]
The proposed
‘master plan’ would substantially expand the boundaries of Addis Ababa
into areas of Oromia surrounding the capital. “ Protestors claim they
merely wanted to raise questions about the plan — but were answered with
violence and intimidation.” [ BBC ]
They rightly feel smallholder farmers and other groups living on
government land (all land in Ethiopia is government owned) would once
again be threatened, leading to large scale evictions to make way for
land leasing or land sales, as has happened elsewhere in the country. In
addition many Oromos see the proposed expansion as a broader threat to
their regional and cultural identity and say the scheme is “in violation
of the Constitutionally-guaranteed protection of the ‘special
interests’ of the Oromia state.” [ AI ] Constitutional guarantees that mean nothing to the members of the ruling party, or a politically controlled judiciary.
Killing, beating, intimidating
University
campuses have formed the beating heart of the protest movement that has
now spread throughout the region. On Tuesday 29 th April around 25,000
people, “including residents of Ambo town in central Oromia,
participated in a city wide demonstration, in the largest show of
opposition to the government’s plans to date.” [ Revolution News ]
Somewhat predictably, security forces, consisting of the federal police
and military Special Forces known as the ‘Agazi’, have “responded by
shooting at and beating peaceful protesters in Ambo, Nekemte, Jimma, and
other towns with unconfirmed reports from witnesses of dozens of
casualties.” [ Human Rights Watch (HRW)]
A witness told Amnesty International that on the third day of protest
in Guder town, near Ambo, the security forces were waiting for the
protesters and opened fire when they arrived . “She said five people
were killed in front of her. A source in Robe town, the location of
Madawalabu University, reported that 11 bodies had been seen in a
hospital in the town. Another witness said they had seen five bodies in
Ambo [80 miles west of Addis Ababa] hospital.”
Whilst the government says that “at least nine students have died” during the protests, “a witness told the BBC that
47 were killed by the security forces” — a misleading term for
government thugs, who are killing, beating and intimidating innocent
civilians: Amnesty reports that children as young as 11 years of age
were among the dead. In addition to killing peaceful protesters, large
numbers have been beaten up during and after protests, resulting in
scores of injuries, and hundreds or “several thousands”, according to
the main Oromia opposition party, the Oromo Federalist Congress (AFC),
have been arbitrarily arrested and are being detained incommunicado.
Given the regime’s history those imprisoned face a very real risk of
torture.
In many cases the
arrests took place after the protesters had dispersed. “Security forces
have conducted house to house searches in many locations in the region,
[looking] for students and others who may have been involved. New
arrests continue to be reported,” [AI ]
and squads of government thugs are reportedly beating local residents
in a crude attempt at intimidation. Amnesty reports the case of a father
whose son was shot dead during a protest, being ‘severely beaten’ by
security forces, who told the bereaved parent “he should have taught his
son some discipline.”
The Oromia
community has often been the target of government aggression, and recent
events are reminiscent of January 2004, when several Oromia students at
Addis Ababa University were shot and killed when protesting for the
right to stage an Oromo cultural event on campus. Many more were wounded
and 494 [ Oromo Support Group (OSG)] were arrested and detained without charge or trial. HRW reported how
“police ordered both male and female students to run and crawl
barefoot, bare-kneed, and bare-armed over sharp gravel for
three-and-half hours; they were also forced to carry each other over the
gravel.” The Police, HRW goes on to say, “have repeatedly employed
similar methods of torture and yet are rarely held accountable for their
excesses.”
The recent level
of extreme violence displayed by the State is not unusual and takes
place throughout Ethiopia; what is new is the response of the people.
Anger at the security forces criminality has fuelled further
demonstrations in Oromo as friends and family of those murdered have
added their voices to the growing protest movement. This righteous stand
against government brutality and injustice is heartening for the
country and should be supported with condemnation and pressure from
international donors and the UN more broadly. Those arrested during
protests must be immediately released and investigations into killings
by security personnel instigated as a matter of utmost urgency.
Tools of control
The government’s
heavy-handed reaction to the Oromo protests is but the latest example of
the regime’s ruthless response to criticism of its policies. Political
opposition parties, when tolerated at all have been totally
marginalised, dissenting independent voices are quickly silenced and a
general atmosphere of fear is all pervading. Despite freedom of
expression being a constitutional right virtually all media outlets are
either government owned or controlled; “ blogs and Internet pages
critical of the Ethiopian government are regularly blocked and
independent radio stations, particularly those broadcasting in Amharic
and Afan Oromo, are routinely jammed.” [ HRW ]
The EPRDF has created “one of the most repressive media environments in
the world.” Reinforcing this condition, “the government on April 25th
and 26th arbitrarily arrested nine bloggers and journalists in Addis
Ababa. They remain in detention without charge.” [ Ibid] International
human rights groups (whose activities have been severely restricted by
the stifling Charities and Societies Proclamation of 2009) as well as
foreign journalists are not welcome, and reporters “who have attempted
to reach the current demonstrations have been turned away or detained,”
[Ibid] making it difficult to confirm exact numbers of those killed by
government security personnel.
The UN Human
Rights Council recently reviewed Ethiopia’s human rights record under
the Universal Periodic Review (UPR). Since the first review in 2009 the
human rights condition has greatly deteriorated. The EPRDF rules the
country through fear and intimidation, they have introduced ambiguous,
universally condemned legislation to control and intimidate: the
Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSO law) and the Anti-Terrorism
Proclamation specifically. Laws of repression that together have made
independent media and civil society completely ineffective. Freedom of
assembly – another constitutional right – is not allowed, or as can be
seen with the Oromo protests is dealt with in the
harshest manner possible; the Internet and telecommunications are
controlled and monitored by the government and phone records/recordings
are easily obtained by security personnel. Arbitrary arrests and false
Imprisonment of anyone criticizing the government is routine as is the
use of torture on those incarcerated. In the Ogaden region the regime is
committing gross human rights abuses constituting crimes against
humanity and in Gambella and the Lower Omo Valley large numbers of
indigenous people have been forcibly moved into government camps
(Villagization Programme), as land is sold for pennies to international
companies. In short, human rights are completely ignored by the
Government in Ethiopia. As the people begin to come together and
protest, international pressure should be applied on the regime to
observe the rule of law and uphold the people’s fundamental human
rights.
We are living in
extraordinary times, times of opportunity and change, times of great
hope. With elections due next year now is the time for the various
ethnic groups and factions inside and outside Ethiopia to unite, and
speaking with one voice demand their rights, to freedom and justice and
to live with hope in their hearts.
Graham Peebles is
Director of The Create Trust, www.thecreatetrust.org A UK registered
charity (1115157). Running education and social development programmes,
supporting fundamental Social change and the human rights of individuals
in acute need. Contact , E: graham@thecreatetrust.org
No comments:
Post a Comment